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OLE  RYNNING'S  TRUE 
ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 


Translated  and  Edited 

BY 

THEODORE  C  BLEGEN 


PUBLISHED  BY 
THE  NORWEGIAN-AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 


n— — — — = — — □ 


n  this  book  on  or  before  the 
st  Pate   stamped  below.    A 
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^ks. 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE 

NORWEGIAN -AMERICAN  HISTORICAL 
ASSOCIATION 


BOARD  OF  EDITORS 

Theodore  C.  Blegen,  Managing  Editor 

Knut  Gjerset 

Kristian  Prestgard 


TRAVEL  AND  DESCRIPTION  SERIES 
Volume  I 


TRAVEL  AND  DESCRIPTION  SERIES 
VOLUME  I 

OLE  RYNNING'S  TRUE 
ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 


Translated  and  Edited 
by 

THEODORE  C.  BLEGEN 


PUBLISHED  BY 

THE  NORWEGIAN-AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 

MINNEAPOLIS,  1926 


Copyright  1926  by  the 
Norwegian-American  Historical  Association 


PREFACE 

The  volume  herewith  presented  by  the  Norwegian-American 
Historical  Association  introduces  a  new  series  which  is  to 
bear  the  general  title  Travel  and  Description  Series.  It  is  to 
be  made  up  of  books  and  pamphlets  written  by  Norwegian  im- 
migrants  and  travelers  in  America,  most  of  which  were  orig- 
inally published  in  Norway. 

Materials  of  this  kind  have  a  many-sided  interest.  They 
contain  contemporary  descriptions  of  the  various  settlements 
established  in  the  United  States  by  Norwegian  immigrants, 
and  thus  possess  permanent  value  for  the  history  of  the  Nor- 
wegian element  in  America.  Not  a  few  of  the  books  deal 
generally  with  the  United  States,  presenting  accounts  of 
American  institutions  and  customs  as  viewed  by  Norwegians, 
and  thus  have  a  place  in  that  large  but  relatively  little  ex- 
ploited literature  designated  as  general  American  travel  and 
description. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  aspects  of  the  books  is  their 
influence  in  Norway.  In  their  original  form  they  played  an 
important  part  in  the  dissemination  throughout  Norway  of 
information  about  America ;  they  were  read  by  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  prospective  emigrants ;  and  they  must  be  studied 
by  the  modern  reader  who  wishes  to  understand  the  back- 
grounds of  the  vast  emigration  from  Norway  in  the  nineteenth 
century.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  what  was  happening 
in  Norway  had  its  counterpart  in  many  other  countries  of 
Europe.  In  other  words,  these  Norwegian  books  and  pam- 
phlets are  in  many  respects  typical  of  the  travel  accounts,  emi- 
grant guides,  and  similar  works  that  went  to  almost  every  part 
of  Europe,  contributing  everywhere  to  the  advertising  of 
America  among  Europeans  in  the  nineteenth  century. 

The  Norwegian-American  Historical  Association  therefore 
ventures  to  hope  that  this  series  will  be  of  interest  not  only  to 


693514 


vi  PREFACE 

Norwegian-Americans  but  to  all  who  are  interested  in  the 
backgrounds  of  American  immigration  as  a  whole.  In  one 
of  his  stimulating  essays  Professor  Arthur  M.  Schlesinger  of 
Harvard  University  declares  that  "  the  two  grand  themes  of 
American  history  are,  properly,  the  influence  of  immigration 
upon  American  life  and  institutions,  and  the  influence  of  the 
American  environment,  especially  the  frontier  in  early  days 
and  the  industrial  integration  of  more  recent  times,  upon  the 
everchanging  composite  population."  It  is  believed  that  the 
"  America  books,"  —  as  Norwegians  were  wont  to  call  works 
about  that  new  world  to  which  their  compatriots  were  flock- 
ing,—  are  not  without  interest  for  the  contributions  that  they 
make  to  our  understanding  of  both  of  these  "  grand  themes  " 
in  the  story  of  America. 

Theodore  C.  Blegen 
Minnesota  Historical  Society 
St.  Paul 


CONTENTS 

Historical  Introduction i 

Original  Norwegian  Text:  Ole  Rynning,  Sand- 
færdig  Beretning  om  Amerika,  til  Oplysning 
og  Nytte  for  Bonde  og  Menigmand 25 

English  Translation  :  Ole  Rynning,  True  Ac- 
count of  America  for  the  Information  and 
Help  of  Peasant  and  Commoner 61 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION 


HISTORICAL    INTRODUCTION 

In  no  European  country,  writes  an  authority  on  American 
immigration,  "  have  the  '  America  letters/  emigrant  guides, 
emigration  agents,  and  newspapers  from  America  played  a 
more  active  part  [in  the  promotion  of  emigration]  than  in  the 
Scandinavian  countries,"  and  he  declares  that  perhaps  the  most 
interesting  of  all  the  guidebooks  is  Ole  Rynning's  True  Ac- 
count of  America.1  This  little  book,  published  in  Norway  in 
1838,  was  presumably  the  first  of  its  kind  to  appear  in  that 
country,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  "  by  its  compact  in- 
formation and  its  intelligent  advice  " 2  and  by  its  wide  circu- 
lation it  exerted  a  very  important  influence  upon  the  early 
Norwegian  emigration.  Rynning  wrote  it  after  a  stay  of  only 
eight  months  in  America,  but,  as  Professor  Edward  Channing 
has  remarked,  "  it  was  the  work  of  a  keen  observer."  3  The 
book  is  historically  valuable  as  an  example  of  a  type  of  publica- 
tion that  carried  to  the  remotest  corners  of  Europe  reliable 
reports  of  conditions  in  America  in  the  first  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  It  is  important  for  its  special  influence  upon 
the  emigration  from  Norway.  And  the  story  of  Ole  Rynning, 
its  author,  forms  a  highly  interesting  chapter  not  only  in  the 
saga  of  the  coming  of  the  Norwegians  to  the  United  States  but 
also  in  that  larger  epic,  the  history  of  the  American  West. 

Rynning's  book  appeared  thirteen  years  after  the  sloop 
"  Restaurationen  "  had  brought  to  America  the  first  contingent 
of  the  nineteenth-century  immigrants  from  the  western  half 
of  the  Scandinavian  peninsula.  In  the  intervening  period  the 
earliest  immigrants  had  struggled  through  their  first  pioneer- 

1  George  M.  Stephenson,  A  History  of  American  Immigration,  1820- 
1924,  38  (Boston  and  New  York,  1926). 

2  The  phrase  quoted  is  from  Kendric  C  Babcock,  The  Scandinavian 
Element  in  the  United  States,  40  (University  of  Illinois,  Studies  in  the 
Social  Sciences,  vol.  3,  no.  3,  Urbana,  1914). 

3  Edward  Channing,  History  of  the  United  States,  5:469  (New  York 
1921). 


2  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

ing  in  western  New  York.  The  famous  pathfinder,  Cleng 
Peerson,  had  found  in  the  West  —  in  the  fertile  Fox  River 
valley  of  Illinois  —  a  site  for  settlement  to  which  many  of  the 
"  sloop  folk  "  and  other  early  immigrants  made  their  way, 
beginning  in  1834.4  Meanwhile,  reports  of  the  experiences 
and  observations  of  the  earlier  immigrants  had  been  sent 
back  to  communities  in  Norway.  Letters  such  as  those  written 
by  Gjert  G.  Hovland  were  copied  and  recopied  in  Norway, 
passed  from  one  family  to  another,  and  thus  given  a  wide 
circulation  among  people  eager  to  know  of  prospects  in 
America.5  Many  who  hesitated  to  put  their  faith  in  such  let- 
ters soon  had  an  opportunity  to  hear  from  the  lips  of  returned 
"  America  travelers "  the  fascinating  stories  of  the  New 
World.  According  to  a  Norwegian  government  report  two 
of  the  earlier  immigrants  returned  to  Norway  in  1835  to  visit 
relatives,  and  "  they  reported  that  it  was  much  better  to  live 
in  America,  that  it  was  possible  to  live  well  in  that  country 
without  much  exertion  and  labor,  that  wages  were  higher,  that 
it  was  not  necessary  there  to  eat  oat  bread  and  other  such 
simple  foods,  but  that  everyone  could  have  wheat  bread,  rice 
pudding,  meat,  and  the  like,  in  abundance.  Such  a  Canaan 
.  .  .  naturally  would  be  welcome  to  many  who  in  these 
regions  have  a  wretched  enough  existence."  6  It  is  not  to  be 
doubted  that  many  Norwegians  who  found  themselves  con- 
tending with  adverse  economic  conditions  listened  with  eager 

4  See  the  writer's  article,  M  Cleng  Peerson  and  Norwegian  Immigration," 
in  the  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Review,  7:303-331    (March,  1921). 

5  A  letter  by  Hovland,  dated  April  22,  1835,  is  translated  into  English 
and  published  with  an  introduction  by  the  present  writer  under  the  title 
"  A  Typical  '  America  Letter,' "  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  Historical 
Review,  9:68-75  (June,  1922). 

6  "Angaaende  Udvandringer  til  Fremmede  Verdensdele,"  in  Kongeriget 
Norges  Ellevte  Storthings  Forhandlinger  i  Aaret  1845,  vol.  1,  part  6,  p. 
24-25.  Cf.  the  writer's  article,  "  The  Norwegian  Government  and  the 
Early  Norwegian  Emigration,"  in  Minnesota  History,  6:  121  (June,  1925)  ; 
and  Gunnar  Malmin's  "  Norsk  Landnåm  i  U.  S.,"  in  Decorah-P osten 
(Decorah,  Iowa),  December  19,  1924. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  3 

ears  to  tales  which  emphasized  the  bread  and  butter  and  the 
freedom  of  opportunity  that  America  offered.  Nor  is  there 
lacking  evidence  that  the  dissatisfaction  with  conditions  in  the 
old  country  was  not  limited  to  economic  matters,  but  also  in 
many  cases  touched  general  social  and  religious  conditions  to 
which  America  was  believed  to  offer  a  refreshing  contrast. 

Though  individuals  occasionally  set  off  for  the  El  Dorado 
of  the  West  to  join  their  compatriots  of  1825,  it  was  not  until 
1836  that  the  experiment  of  an  organized  emigrant  party  was 
again  tried.  In  that  year,  influenced  particularly  by  the 
"  America  letters  "  and  by  the  stories  told  by  Knud  Slogvig, 
who  had  returned  to  Norway  the  year  before,  two  parties  of 
immigrants  took  passage  from  Stavanger  in  ships  that  bore 
the  characteristic  names  "  Norden  "  and  "  Den  Norske  Klippe." 
After  reaching  the  United  States  these  pioneer  immigrants 
went  to  the  Illinois  country,  following  the  paths  blazed  by 
Cleng  Peerson  and  his  associates.  That  the  migration  was  be- 
ginning to  assume  the  proportions  of  a  "  movement  "  was  made 
evident  when  in  1837  two  more  shiploads  of  immigrants  sailed 
from  Norway  to  America.  Officials  who  had  paid  little  atten- 
tion to  the  antecedents  of  these  group  migrations  now  took 
alarm.  The  amtmænd  of  Stavanger  and  Sondre  Bergenhus 
were  called  upon  by  the  government  to  investigate  and  report 
upon  the  situation,  and  the  bishop  of  the  diocese  of  Bergen 
issued  a  pastoral  letter  containing  a  stern  philippic  against 
emigration,  taking  as  his  text  the  Biblical  admonition :  "  Stay 
in  the  land  and  support  yourself  honestly."  7  One  shrewd 
Norwegian  ventured  to  point  out,  however,  that  the  good 
bishop  failed  to  consider  the  passage :  "  Multiply  and  replenish 
the  earth."  This  injunction,  he  said,  "  the  bonder  had  adhered 
to;  most  of  them  had  large  families,  and  since  the  land  at 

7  Gunnar  J.  Malmin,  "  Bishop  Jacob  Neumann's  Word  of  Admonition 
to  the  Peasants,"  in  Norwegian-American  Historical  Association,  Studies 
and  Records,  1:95-109  (Minneapolis,  1926).  On  the  Stavanger  report 
see  Malmin,  "  Norsk  Landnåm  i  U.  S.,"  in  Decorah-P osten,  December  19, 
1924. 


4  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

home  was  filled,  while  they  now  heard  that  a  large  part  of  the 
new  world  was  unsettled,  they  decided  to  disobey  the  bishop's 
advice  and  go  to  the  new  Canaan,  where  flowed  milk  and 
honey."  8 

The  two  emigrant  ships  that  sailed  from  Norway  in  1837 
were  "  Enigheden,"  with  ninety-three  passengers  aboard,  and 
the  "Ægir/'  with  eighty-four.9  The  former  started  from 
Egersund,  a  short  distance  south  of  Stavanger,  then  went'  to 
the  latter  port,  and  recruited  its  passengers  largely  from  that 
city  and  the  surrounding  country.  After  a  voyage  of  twelve 
weeks  the  ship  docked  at  New  York  and  most  of  the  members 
of  the  party  made  their  way  to  Illinois  and  the  Fox  River 
settlement.  The  "Ægir  "  sailed  from  Bergen  on  April  7, 
1837,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Behrens,  who  in  the 
previous  year  had  made  a  voyage  with  freight  to  New  York. 
While  in  New  York  he  had  evidently  examined  some  emigrant 
ships  —  German  and  English  —  and  had  informed  himself 
about  American  immigration  laws  and  about  proper  accommo- 
dations for  emigrants.  Likewise  from  two  German  ministers 
returning  to  Germany  aboard  the  "Ægir  "  he  gained  some 
knowledge  of  the  German  immigration  to  Pennsylvania.  Upon 
his  arrival  at  Bergen  he  learned  that  a  considerable  number 
of  Norwegians  were  planning  to  emigrate,  some  of  whom  had 
already  sold  their  farms  preparatory  to  their  departure.  He 
therefore  remodeled  his  ship  for  passenger  service,  and  a  con- 
tract was  drawn  up  by  the  terms  of  which  he  was  to  take  the 
party  to  America  in  the  spring  of  1837.  Ole  Rynning,  who 
was  destined  to  be  the  leader  of  this  party,  and  who  later, 
through  the  publication  of  his  True  Account  of  America, 
became    one    of   the    outstanding   figures    in    the    history    of 

8  Knud  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika;  Nogle  Optegnelser  om 
de  norskes  Udvandring  til  Amerika,  22-23  (Chicago,  1889).  The  word 
bonde  defies  satisfactory  translation.  See  G.  Gathorne  Hardy,  Norway, 
241  ff.  (New  York,  1925),  for  a  good  modern  account  of  the  bonde  by  an 
Englishman. 

9  See  post,  note  18. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  5 

Norwegian  immigration,  joined  the  party  at  Bergen  after  the 
agreement  with  Captain  Behrens  had  been  made  and  the 
arrangements  on  board  completed.  He  had  read  a  notice  of 
the  proposed  voyage  in  a  newspaper  and  had  been  in  corre- 
spondence with  the  owner  of  the  ship.10 

Ole  Rynning  was  born  on  April  4,  1809,  in  Ringsaker,  Nor- 
way, the  son  of  the  Reverend  Jens  Rynning  and  his  wife, 
Severine  Cathrine  Steen.  The  father  was  at  that  time  curate 
in  Ringsaker;  in  1825  he  became  minister  of  the  parish  of 
Snaasen,  where  he  remained  until  his  death  in  1857,  being 
pastor  emeritus  in  his  later  years.  He  appears  to  have  been 
a  man  of  considerable  distinction,  and  was  particularly  noted 
for  his  writings  in  the  fields  of  science  and  agriculture.  Ole's 
parents  desired  him  to  enter  the  church,  and  in  1829  he  passee 
the  examinations  for  matriculation  at  the  University  of  Chris- 
tiania. In  1833,  upon  completing  his  work  at  the  university, 
he  gave  up  the  thought  of  entering  the  ministry  and  returned 
to  Snaasen,  where  he  conducted  a  private  school  for  advanced 
students.  Knud  Langeland  declares  that  the  immediate  cause 
of  Rynning's  emigration  was  a  betrothal  on  which  his  father 
looked  with  disfavor.  Confirmation  of  this  assertion  is  lack- 
ing, but  a  contemporary  newspaper  reports  that  Rynning's  plan 
was  to  return  to  Norway,  after  he  had  established  himself  sat- 
isfactorily in  America,  to  marry  the  young  woman  to  whom 
he  was  engaged.  It  is  believed  by  some  that  Rynning's  father 
was  of  an  aristocratic  bent  of  mind  and  that  serious  differences 
in  views  existed  between  him  and  his  son,  who  was  thoroughly 
democratic  and  sympathized  with  the  bonder.  According  to 
the  statement  of  his  nephew,  Ole  had  made  a  contract  to  buy  a 
marsh  with  two  small  adjoining  farms  for  the  sum  of  four  hun- 

10  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  23-29.  Langeland,  an  immi- 
grant of  1843,  had  an  interview  with  Captain  Behrens  in  Bergen  and  bases 
a  part  of  what  he  writes  upon  his  recollection  of  Behrens'  statements. 
His  book,  though  written  many  years  later,  is  a  valuable  source  for  numer- 
ous phases  of  the  early  immigration.  In  dates  and  figures  it  is  unreliable 
but  in  other  matters  it  can  generally  be  depended  upon. 


6  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

dred  specie  dollars.  As  he  was  unable  to  raise  this  amount  he 
decided  to  seek  his  fortune  in  the  new  world.  It  is  probable 
that  Rynning's  case  is  typical  of  many  in  that  his  decision  to 
emigrate  was  occasioned  by  a  number  of  reénforcing  motives.11 
It  is  possible  that  Rynning's  motives  were  not  purely  personal, 
however,  for  the  testimony  of  his  fellow  emigrants  seems  to 
show  that  he  was  interested  in  helping  the  economically  circum- 
scribed farmers  and  laborers  of  his  native  country  to  find  a  per- 
manent solution  for  their  difficulties ;  and  emigration  appeared 
to  him  to  be  the  key  to  the  problem.  Certainly  it  was  unusual 
for  men  of  Rynning's  class  and  education  to  join  this  move- 
ment, almost  universally  condemned  as  it  was  by  the  educated 
people  of  his  day.  A  Christiania  newspaper,  Morgenbladet, 
made  special  comment  on  the  fact  that  among  the  emigrants 
was  "  a  student  with  the  many-sided  cultivation  possessed  by 
Ole  Rynning."  In  this  newspaper  article,  it  may  be  noted  in- 
cidentally, vigorous  measures  against  emigration  were  advocat- 
ed :  "  It  is  not  enough  that  we  admit  that  something  is  wrong; 
whoever  can,  must  work  against  it,  and  with  God's  help  the  fire 
may  perhaps  be  put  out."  12 

Xot  all  Norwegians  are  sailors,  popular  ideas  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  Only  two  in  the  company  of  emigrants 
aboard  the  "  Ægir  "  when  it  loosed  its  moorings  at  Bergen  on 

11  Bernt  J.  Muus,  Jens  Rynnings  Æt,  2,  8  (1894),  and  his  sketch  of 
Ole  Rynning  in  Rasmus  B.  Anderson,  The  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian 
Immigration,  1821-1840,  p.  203-205  (Madison,  1895)  ;  articles  on  Jens  and 
Ole  Rynning  in  J.  B.  Halvorsen,  Norsk  Forfatter-Lexikon  1814-1880,  vol. 
4,  p.  640-642  (Christiania,  1896)  ;  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika, 
26 ;  Bergens  Mercur,  September  16,  1837,  as  quoted  by  Malmin,  "  Norsk 
Landnåm  i  U.  S.,"  in  Decorah-P osten,  February  27,  1925.  Rynning  took 
up  his  university  studies  in  1830  and  carried  them  as  far  as  "  Examen 
artium  "  and  "  Anden  examen,"  which  correspond  approximately  to  the 
degrees  of  bachelor  and  master  of  arts.  The  standings  that  he  secured 
in  these  examinations  indicate  that  he  was  an  excellent  student.  Paul 
Botten-Hansen,  Norske  Studenter  der  har  absoheret  Examen  Artium  ved 
Christiania  Universitet  eller  de  artiumsberettigede  Skoler,  25   (Christiania, 

1893). 

12  Morgenbladet,  June  15,  1837,  quoted  by  Malmin,  in  Decorah-P  osten, 
February  27,  1925. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  7 

April  7,  1837,  were  recruited  from  outside  the  bondestand.1* 
Many  of  this  company  of  farmers  were  soon  victims  of  sea- 
sickness, but,  according  to  a  newspaper  report  which  gives  de- 
tails of  the  voyage,  they  were  quickly  restored  to  health  through 
the  experienced  aid  of  the  skipper,  who  acted  as  a  physician 
though  he  possessed  no  "  Doctor's  cap,"  and  particularly 
through  the  healing  power  of  barley  soup.  The  atmosphere 
of  the  voyage  seems  to  have  been  merry.  To  quote  the  con- 
temporary newspaper  report :  "  With  the  seasickness  all  wor- 
ries seemed  to  disappear.  Bonder  who  never  before  had  looked 
upon  the  sea  saw  it  to  be  peaceful  and  lost  their  fear  of  its  ter- 
rors as  the  ship  sailed  on  toward  milder  skies.  The  fiddle  was 
brought  out  and  in  the  evening  the  sailors  and  the  farmer  folk 
gathered  for  a  lively  dance."  14  That  some  thought  was  given 
to  more  serious  matters,  however,  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  at  the  outset  of  the  voyage  religious  books  were  distrib- 
uted among  the  company.15 

Interesting  both  as  a  scene  from  an  emigrant  ship  and  for  its 
connections  with  Ole  Rynning  is  a  celebration  held  in  midocean 
on  the  seventeenth  of  May,  the  Norwegian  national  holiday. 
The  day  began  with  a  salvo  of  cannon  shots.  The  morning  was 
spent  by  the  emigrants  —  dressed  in  their  best  —  discussing  the 
land  they  had  left  behind  them  and  the  prospects  of  the  future. 
At  noon  a  banquet  —  probably  a  very  simple  one  —  was  held, 
followed  by  skoals  to  the  day,  the  native  land,  liberty,  the  king, 
and  the  king's  son.    Thereupon  a  song  composed  for  the  occa- 

13  Den  Norske  Rigstidende,  April  13,  1837,  quoted  by  Malmin,  in 
Decorah-Posten,  February  27,  1925.  On  the  bondestand,  see  Hardy, 
Norway,  241  et  seq. 

14  Bergens  Mercur,  September  16,  1837,  quoted  by  Malmin,  in  Decorah- 
Posten,  February  27,  1925.  Langeland  says  that  the  captain  of  the  ship  put 
a  stop  to  the  dancing  because  the  hobnailed  boots  of  the  bonder  were  too 
hard  on  the  deck  floor.    Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  27-28. 

15  Den  Norske  Rigstidende,  April  13,  1837,  quoted  by  Malmin,  in 
Decorah-Posten,  February  27,  1925.  This  newspaper  notice  says  that 
Amund  Holland  was  responsible  for  the  distribution  of  the  religious 
reading  matter. 


8  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

sion  was  sung.  In  the  evening  the  day's  festivities  were 
brought  to  a  close  with  a  dance.16  Special  interest  attaches  to 
the  song  sung  after  the  dinner,  for  it  was  composed  by  Ole 
Rynning.  His  book  and  this  verse  are  the  only  known  writ- 
ings from  his  hand.  The  verse  is  believed  to  be  the  oldest 
piece  of  poetry  written  by  a  Norwegian  immigrant  in  the  nine- 
teenth century.  In  somewhat  free  translation  it  may  be  ren- 
dered as  follows : 

Beyond  the  surge  of  the  vast  salt  waves 
Deep  hid  lies  Norway's  rocky  shore. 

But  longing  yearns  the  sea  to  brave 
For  dim  oak  forests  known  of  yore. 

The  whistling  spruce  and  glacier's  boom 

Are  harmonies  to  Norway's  son. 

Though  destiny,  as  Leif  and  Bjorn 

Call  northern  son  to  alien  West, 
Yet  will  his  heart  in  mem'ry  turn 

To   native   mountains   loved  the  best, 
As  longs  the  heart  of  a  lone  son 
To  his  loved  home  once  more  to  come.17 

In  midocean,  on  May  8,  the  vessel  had  a  slight  collision  with 
the  British  ship  "  Barelto,"  but  though  the  passengers  were 
frightened,  no  great  damage  was  done;  and  the  "Ægir"  ar- 
rived safely  at  New  York  on  the  evening  of  June  9.18 

16  A  report  of  the  celebration  appeared  in  Bergens  Mercur  for  Septem- 
ber 16,  1837,  as  quoted  by  Malmin,  in  De cor ah-P osten,  February  2j,  1925. 

17  The  earliest  printed  vers'on  of  the  Norwegian  text  of  the  song 
seems  to  be  that  in  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  2J: 

Nu  ligger  Norges  Klippeland 

Saa  dybt  i  Skjul  bag  salten  Vove, 
Men  Længslen  higer  til  den  Strand 

Med  gamle,  dunkle  Egeskove, 
Hvor  Graners  Sus  og  Jøklers  Drøn 
Er  Harmoni  for  Norges  Søn. 

Men  om  end  Skjæbnen  bød  ham  der, 

Som  fordum  Bjørn  af  Leif,  at  tjelde, 

Han  vil  dog  stedse  have  kjær 

Sit  gode  gamle  Norges  Fjelde, 

Og  længes  ømt,  med  sønlig  Hu, 

At  se  sit  elskte  Hjem  endnu. 

18  The  following  notice  appeared  in  the  New  York  Evening  Star,  June 
10,  1837,  p.  2 :  "  Marine  Intelligence.  Arrived  last  evening.  Norwegian 
bark  Aegir,  Behrens,  62  ds  fm  Bergen,  with  2  bis  plants  and  84  passengers, 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  9 

Influenced  by  Slogvig  and  by  letters  from  the  Illinois  coun- 
try, the  "Ægir  "  party  intended  to  go  to  the  settlement  in  La 
Salle  County.  At  New  York  the  immigrants  took  a  steamer 
on  the  Hudson  River  for  Albany,  then  went  by  canal  boat  from 
Albany  to  Buffalo,  and  from  there  continued  their  journey  by 
way  of  Lake  Erie  to  Detroit.  The  traveling  expenses  were 
greater  than  they  had  anticipated,  and  one  of  their  number, 
Nils  P.  Langeland,  having  a  large  family  and  funds  insuffi- 
cient for  continuing  the  journey,  remained  at  Detroit.19  Here 
two  interesting  and  important  pioneers  of  the  Norwegian  im- 
migration movement  joined  the  group  of  newcomers.  These 
were  the  brothers  Ole  and  Ansten  Nattestad,  who  had  reached 
New  York  by  the  way  of  Gothenburg  and  Fall  River,  Massa- 
chusetts, a  few  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  "Ægir."  In  his 
journal  Ole  Nattestad  gives  the  following  account  of  the  meet- 
ing :  "  On  the  street  I  met  one  of  the  Norwegians  who  had 
sailed  from  Bergen  on  the  seventh  of  April  preceding.  In 
the  course  of  my  conversation  with  him  he  said  that  there 
were  about  eighty  persons  of  them,  who  were  going  to  Chicago, 
and  they  had  remained  here  five  days  without  securing  pas- 
sage, but  they  were  to  leave  in  two  days."  20  The  upshot  of 
the  meeting  was  that  the  Nattestads  joined  the  party. 

to  order  May  8th,  lat  39  34,  lon  $2  18  was  run  into  by  Br  ship  Barelto, 
fm  Madras  for  London  —  both  vessels  received  trifling  damage."  Some 
of  the  contemporary  Norwegian  newspapers  speak  of  eighty-two  pas- 
sengers. See  Malmin,  in  D e cor ah-P osten,  February  2.7,  1925.  The 
New  York  customs  house  list  of  the  "  Ægir  "  passengers  contains  eighty- 
three  names.  This  list,  edited  by  Henry  J.  Cadbury,  will  appear  in  volume 
2  of  the  Norwegian-American  Historical  Association's  Studies  and 
Records.  A  report  of  the  Norwegian-Swedish  vice-consul  at  New  York 
dated  August  7,  1837,  records  the  arrival  of  the  u  Ægir  "  and  tells  of  the 
departure  of  the  immigrants  for  Rochester.  The  report  is  quoted  by  Mal- 
min in  Decorah-P osten,  December  19,  1924. 

19  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  28.  For  Langeland's  later 
career,  see  George  T.  Flom,  A  History  of  Norwegian  Immigration  to  the 
United  States  (Iowa  City,  1909),  101,  and  Mons  Aadland's  account  as  given 
by  Svein  Nilsson  in  his  "  De  skandinaviske  Setlementer  i  Amerika,"  in 
Billed-Magazin,  1 :  30. 

20  Ole  K.  Nattestad,  Beskrivelse  over  en  Reise  til  Nordamerica,  begyndt 
den  8de  April  1837  og  skrevet  paa  Skibet  Hilda  samt  siden  fortsat  paa 


io  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

The  boat  to  Chicago  was  uncomfortably  crowded,  and  the 
immigrants  suffered  not  a  little  inconvenience.  Shortly  after 
landing,  they  received  from  Norwegians  reports  unfavorable 
to  the  Fox  River  region,  in  which  it  had  been  their  intention  to 
settle.  Many  were  discouraged,  especially  the  women,  and 
plans  were  changed.  The  suggestion  of  Beaver  Creek,  about 
seventy  miles  south  of  Chicago  in  Iroquois  County,  Illinois, 
as  a  site  for  settlement  seems  to  have  come  from  a  couple  of 
Americans,  possibly  land  speculators,  with  whom  Rynning 
talked  in  Chicago.  Rynning  at  this  time  was  particularly  use- 
ful because  he  was  able  to  speak  English.  Disappointed  once, 
the  company  decided  to  proceed  cautiously,  and  therefore  dele- 
gated four  men,  whose  expenses  were  to  be  paid  by  the  party, 
to  act  as  a  committee  of  investigation.  These  men,  Ole  Ryn- 
ning, Ingebrigt  Brudvig,  Ole  Nattestad,  and  Niels  Veste, 
walked  south  from  Chicago  and,  after  examining  the  land 
under  consideration,  chose  a  site  at  Beaver  Creek.  Ole  Nat- 
testad declared  later  that  he  did  not  approve  of  the  site  selected 
because  it  was  too  sandy  and  swampy.  Leaving  two  of  the 
committee  at  Beaver  Creek  to  build  a  log  house  preparatory  to 
the  arrival  of  the  immigrants,  Rynning  and  Brudvig  returned 
to  Chicago  to  acquaint  the  party  with  the  results  of  their 
investigation  and  to  pilot  its  members  to  the  place  of  settlement. 

The  land  at  Beaver  Creek  was  favorably  described  by  Ryn- 
ning and  his  companion.  Accordingly,  oxen  and  wagons  were 
purchased,  and  preparations  made  to  leave  Chicago.  The  com- 
pany was  now  reduced  in  numbers  to  about  fifty,  some  having 
gone  to  the  Fox  River  region  and  others  having  dropped  out 
at  Rochester.    The  remainder  made  their  way  to  Beaver  Creek 

Reisen  op  igjennem  de  Forenede  Stater  i  Nordamerica,  11-13,  23  (Dram- 
men,  Norway,  1839).  A  translation  of  Nattestad' s  remarkably  interesting 
book  is  published  by  Rasmus  B.  Anderson  in  the  Wisconsin  Magazine  of 
History,  1:149-186  (December,  1917).  Interviews  with  both  Ole  and 
Ansten  Nattestad  are  given  by  Nilsson  in  Billcd-Magazin,  1 :  82-84,  94, 
102-104;  translated  in  part  in  Anderson,  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian 
Immigration,  238-253,  207,  216. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  n 

and  began  at  once  to  prepare  for  the  oncoming  winter.  Land 
was  selected,  and  log  houses  were  built  in  sufficient  number  to 
accommodate  all. 

No  other  settlers  lived  in  the  vicinity,  and  there  was  some 
dissatisfaction  because  of  difficulty  in  securing  supplies. 
Langeland  states  that  the  nearest  mill  was  seventy  miles  away. 
For  a  time  considerable  grumbling  was  directed  against  Ryn- 
ning  and  others  who  were  responsible  for  the  selection  of  the 
site;  but  when  Ole  Nattestad  returned  in  the  autumn  from  a 
short  trip  he  found  the  colonists  in  good  spirits.  Later  events 
proved,  however,  that  a  tragic  mistake  had  been  made.  The 
ground,  which  was  very  low,  had  been  examined  in  late  sum- 
mer, and,  because  of  the  dryness  and  the  overgrowth  of  grass, 
the  men  had  been  deceived.  As  soon  as  spring  came  and  the 
flat  land  of  the  settlement  was  under  water,  its  swampy  char- 
acter was  fully  revealed;  and  the  unfortunate  settlers  were  in 
sore  straits.  To  make  matters  worse,  malarial  fever  swept  the 
settlement.  Sickness  began  to  claim  daily  victims,  and  most 
of  the  settlers,  including  Ole  Rynning,  died.  Some  of  the 
survivors  removed  to  La  Salle  County  in  the  spring  of  the 
following  year,  but  a  few  remained.  The  last  to  leave  was 
Mons  Aadland.  In  1840,  finding  his  capital  reduced  to  three 
dollars,  he  exchanged  his  farm  for  a  small  herd  of  cattle  and 
went  to  Racine  County,  Wisconsin.  In  realizing  something 
for  his  land  he  was  more  fortunate  than  most  of  his  compan- 
ions. They  practically  fled  from  the  settlement,  and  could  not 
sell  their  land.  Few  persons  cared  to  buy  land  in  a  swampy, 
malarial  region.  "  Only  the  empty  log  houses  remained,  like 
silent  witnesses  to  the  terrors  of  the  scourge,  and  afforded  a 
dismal  sight  to  the  lonely  wanderer  who  ventured  within  these 
domains."  21    A  Norwegian  who  in  the  spring  of  1839  passed 

21  For  accounts  of  the  Beaver  Creek  settlement,  see  Nattestad, 
Beskrivelse,  23,  25-27;  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  2Q-31,  32; 
Nilsson's  reports  of  interviews  with  Aadland  and  the  Nattestad  brothers 
in  Billed-Magasin,  1:30,  84,  95;  Anderson,  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian 
Immigration,  245-247;  and  contemporary  newspaper  reports  quoted  by 
Malmin,  "  Norsk  Landnåm  i  U.  S.,"  in  Decorah-P osten,  February  27,  1925. 


12  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

through  the  Fox  River  region  wrote,  "  Here  I  met  also  some  of 
the  Norwegians  who  had  emigrated  by  way  of  Bergen  two 
years  before  and  who  first  settled  farther  south  in  Illinois  at 
Beaver  Creek,  but  who,  after  student  Rynning  and  many  others 
died  as  a  result  of  the  unhealthful  climate,  fled  from  their 
houses  and  lands  after  having  lost  nearly  everything  they 
owned."  22  This  traveler  returned  to  Norway,  and  on  October 
26,  1839,  his  story  was  made  public  in  Morgenbladet  in  Chris- 
tiania, confirming  an  earlier  report  written  by  the  father  of 
Ole  Rynning  on  September  4,  1839,  in  which  he  incorporated 
a  letter  from  Hans  Barlien,  dated  at  "  St.  Fransville,"  Mis- 
souri, on  April  25,  telling  about  the  death  of  the  leader  of  the 
colony  and  the  disaster  which  had  overtaken  the  community.23 
Rynning's  personality  left  a  deep  impress  upon  the  minds 
of  those  who  knew  him,  and  there  are  not  a  few  testimonies 
to  the  inherent  nobility  and  self-sacrificing  nature  of  the  man. 
One  of  the  survivors  of  the  settlement,  Ansten  Nattestad,  is 
reported  to  have  said  of  him  :  "  He  himself  was  contented  with 
little,  and  was  remarkably  patient  under  the  greatest  sufferings. 
I  well  remember  one  time  when  he  came  home  from  a  long  ex- 
ploring expedition.  Frost  had  set  in  during  his  absence.  The 
ice  on  the  swamps  and  the  crusts  of  snow  cut  his  boots.  He 
finally  reached  the  colony,  but  his  feet  were  frozen  and  lacer- 
ated. They  presented  a  terrible  sight,  and  we  all  thought  he 
would  be  a  cripple  for  life."  In  this  condition  Rynning  wrote 
in  the  winter  of  1837-1838  the  manuscript  of  his  True  Account 
of  America  for  the  Information  and  Help  of  Peasant  and  Com- 
moner. As  soon  as  he  completed  a  chapter  of  it,  he  would  read 
it  aloud  to  Nattestad  and  others,  to  get  their  opinions.  There 
is  something  admirable  in  the  picture  of  Rynning,  sick  and 
confined  to  his  bed,  writing  a  description  of  the  conditions  and 

22  "  Peter  Testman's  Account  of  his  Experiences  in  North  America," 
in  Minnesota  History,  6:  no  (June,  1925). 

23  Malmin,  in  De  cor  ah-P  osten,  February  27,  1925,  quotes  the  Morgen- 
bladet report  of  October  26,  1839.  On  the  document  by  Ole  Rynning's 
father,  see  post,  note  34. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  13 

problems  of  life  in  the  new  world  for  the  benefit  of  those  in  the 
old  country  who  were  considering  seeking  homes  within  its 
bounds.  A  Norwegian  doctor  who  visited  the  western  settle- 
ments in  1840  wrote  an  account  of  his  observations  for  Mor- 
genbladet, in  which  he  tells  of  Rynning's  activities  and  of  his 
death.  This  writer  asserts  that  if  Rynning  had  lived,  he  would 
have  altered  considerably  his  account  of  America.  This 
appears  to  be  merely  a  conjecture  that  can  neither  be  verified 
nor  disproved.  The  remarkable  thing,  however,  is  that  at  the 
time  when  the  book  was  written  its  author,  though  ill  in  a 
settlement  that  had  already  had  more  than  a  taste  of  mis- 
fortune, was  able  to  rise  above  local  circumstance  and  to  view 
broadly  the  American  situation  that  awaited  the  immigrant 
from  Europe.  It  is  possible  that  the  critic  of  1840  failed  to  do 
justice  to  the  courage  and  the  broad  vision  of  Rynning.  When 
he  had  regained  his  health,  Rynning  resumed  his  work  among 
the  colonists.  At  some  time  during  the  period  he  labored  for 
a  month  on  the  Illinois  Canal,  then  being  dug.  But  in  the  fall 
of  1838  he  "  was  again  confined  to  the  sick-bed,"  according  to 
Nattestad,  "  and  died  soon  thereafter  to  the  great  sorrow  of 
all."  24  A  pathetic  incident  is  related  which  illustrates  the 
deplorable  conditions  in  the  settlement  at  the  time  of  Rynning's 

24  Nilsson,  in  Billed-Magazin,  1:95;  Anderson,  First  Chapter  of  Nor- 
wegian Immigration,  208.  The  physician  who  visited  the  Norwegian 
settlements  in  1840  was  a  Dr.  Brandt.  He  ascribed  Rynning's  death  to 
malaria  followed  by  typhoid  fever.  In  referring  to  the  occasion  when 
Rynning  froze  his  feet,  he  writes :  "  In  the  middle  of  the  winter  he  walked 
almost  barefoot  across  a  prairie ;  he  was  near  his  house,  but  he  could  not 
reach  it  without  help ;  and  he  was  almost  frozen  stiff  when  people  found 
him  and  brought  him  home."  Dr.  Brandt  states  that  some  of  the  settlers 
owed  money  to  Rynning  and  that  they  promptly  forgot  the  debts  after 
his  death ;  and  he  reports  that  Rynning's  personal  effects  were  sold  for 
cash.  Dr.  Brandt's  statement,  published  in  Morgenbladet,  September  18, 
1841,  is  quoted  by  Malmin,  in  Decorah-P osten,  February  27,  1925.  Accord- 
ing to  Johan  R.  Reiersen,  Rynning's  death  was  caused  by  unhealthful 
work  on  the  Illinois  Canal.  Veiviser  for  norske  Emigranter  til  de  forenede 
nordamerikanske  Stater  og  Texas,  151  (Christiania,  1844).  Cf.  English 
translation  in  Norwegian-American  Historical  Association,  Studies  and 
Records,  1:112. 


14  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

death,  —  in  the  latter  part  of  September,  1838.  Only  one 
person  in  the  colony  was  well  at  the  time.  This  man  is  said 
to  have  gone  "  out  on  the  prairie  and  chopped  down  an  oak 
and  made  a  sort  of  coffin  of  it.  His  brother  helped  him  to  get 
the  dead  body  into  the  coffin  and  then  they  hauled  it  out  on 
the  prairie  and  buried  it."  25  Thus  Ole  Rynning  lies  in  an 
unmarked  grave. 

To  the  philanthropic  and  helpful  spirit  of  Rynning  there 
are  many  witnesses.  When  the  immigrants  in  Chicago  re- 
ceived adverse  reports  of  the  Fox  River  region,  they  became 
completely  dispirited.  They  had  come  from  afar;  they  had 
ventured  much ;  this  region  had  been  their  goal.  Little  wonder 
that  their  courage  was  shaken  !  "  But  in  this  critical  situation," 
says  Ole  Nattestad,  "  the  greatness  of  Ole  Rynning's  spirit  was 
revealed  in  its  true  light.  He  stood  in  the  midst  of  those  who 
were  ready  for  mutiny;  he  comforted  the  despairing,  coun- 
seled with  those  who  were  in  doubt,  and  reproved  those  whc 
were  obstinate.  He  wavered  not  for  an  instant,  and  his  cool- 
ness, dauntlessness,  and  noble  self-sacrifice  for  the  welfare  of 
others  calmed  the  spirits  of  all.  The  storm  abated,  and  the 
dissatisfaction  gave  place  to  a  unanimous  confidence."  Ansten 
Nattestad  declares :  "  All  his  dealings  proclaimed  the  phil- 
anthropist. I  have  never  known  any  one  with  such  noble 
principles  and  such  a  completely  disinterested  habit  of  thought. 
...  A  great  and  good  idea  formed  the  central  point  of 
all  his  thinking.  He  hoped  to  be  able  to  provide  the  poor,  op- 
pressed Norwegian  workman  a  happier  home  on  this  side  of 
the  sea,  and  to  realize  this  wish  he  shunned  no  sacrifice,  en- 
dured the  greatest  exertions,  and  was  patient  through  misun- 
derstandings, disappointments,  and  loss.  .  .  .  When  sickness 
and  suffering  visited  the  colonists,  he  was  always  ready  to  com- 
fort the  sorrowing  and  to  aid  those  in  distress  so  far  as  it  lay 
in  his  power.     Nothing  could  shake  his  belief  that  America 

25  Muus,  in  Anderson,  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian  Immigration,  204. 
The  story  was  related  to  Muus  by  a  Mrs.  Davidson,  at  whose  house 
Rynning  lived  most  of  the  time. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  15 

would  become  a  place  of  refuge  for  the  masses  of  people  in 
Europe  who  toiled  under  the  burdens  of  poverty."  26 

In  the  spring  of  1838  Ansten  Nattestad  made  a  trip  to  Nor- 
way to  visit  friends  and  relatives,  going  by  way  of  New  Orleans 
and  Liverpool.  He  took  with  him  "  letters  from  nearly  all  the 
earlier  Norwegian  emigrants  "  whom  he  had  met,  and  was 
thus  instrumental  in  disseminating  in  Norway  much  informa- 
tion about  America.  He  carried  with  him  also  the  manuscript 
of  his  brother  Ole's  book  entitled  (in  translation)  Description 
of  a  Journey  to  North  America,  begun  April  8,  1837,  and  writ- 
ten on  the  ship  Hilda,  and  also  continued  later  on  the  trip  up 
through  the  United  States  in  North  America,  which  was  pub- 
lished in  Drammen  in  1839 ; 2r  and  the  manuscript  of  Rynning's 
True  Account  of  America,  which  wTas  published  in  Christiania 
in  1838.  Tn  his  preface  Rynning  explains  that  he  has  been  in 
America  eight  months  and  is  in  a  position  to  answer  many  of 
the  questions  raised  by  prospective  emigrants.  He  recognizes 
the  need  of  a  "  trustworthy  and  fairly  detailed  account  of  the 
country,"  for  he  himself  has  learned  in  Norway  "how  great 
the  ignorance  of  the  people  is,  and  what  false  and  preposterous 
reports  were  believed  as  full  truth."  His  book  contains  thir- 
teen brief  chapters,  each  of  which  answers  in  a  concise  manner 
a  question  or  group  of  questions  put  very  specifically.  There 
is  conclusive  evidence  that  Rynning  prepared  a  fourteenth  chap- 
ter which  was  stricken  out  in  Norway  before  the  book  went  to 
press.  The  fact  is  of  special  importance  because  the  chapter 
iii  question  dealt  with  the  religious  situation  in  Norway.  Natte- 
stad himself  tells  of  it :  "  Dean  Kragh  in  Eidsvold  read  the 
proofs,  and  struck  out  the  chapter  about  the  Norwegian  minis- 
ters who  were  accused  of  intolerance  in  religious  matters  and 
of  inactivity  in  respect  to  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of 
the  people  in  temporal  matters  and  in  questions  concerning  the 
advancement  of  education."28     It  would  be  distinctly  enlight- 

26  Nilsson  in  Bille d-Magazin,  1 :  84,  95. 

27  See  ante,  note  20. 

28  Nilsson  in  Bille  d-Magazin,  1 :  94. 


i6  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

ening  to  have  the  testimony  of  so  competent  an  observer  as 
Rynning  on  the  religious  situation.  The  fact  that  he  wrote 
such  a  chapter  and  that  it  was  stricken  put  by  a  prominent 
clergyman  of  the  state  church  points  strongly  to  a  larger  part 
played  by  religious  motives  than  has  usually  been  recognizee 
in  connection  with  the  emigration  after  1825. 

Among  the  bonder  and  workmen  of  Norway  little  was  known 
of  America  in  the  thirties ;  consequently  there  was  great  eag- 
erness to  get  definite  information  on  the  problems  connected 
with  the  emigration,  especially  regarding  prospects  in  the  new 
land.  Not  a  little  light  is  thrown  upon  the  situation  by  the  fol- 
lowing statement  of  Nattestad :  "  I  remained  in  Numedal 
throughout  the  winter  and  until  the  following  spring.  The  re- 
port of  my  return  spread  like  wildfire  through  the  land,  and 
an  incredible  number  of  people  came  to  me  to  hear  news  from 
America.  Many  traveled  as  far  as  twenty  Norwegian  miles  29 
to  talk  with  me.  It  was  impossible  to  answer  all  the  letters 
which  came  to  me  containing  questions  in  regard  to  conditions 
on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean.  In  the  spring  of  1839  about 
one  hundred  persons  from  Numedal  stood  ready  to  go  with 
me  across  the  sea.  Among  these  were  many  farmers  and 
heads  of  families,  all,  except  the  children,  able-bodied  and  per- 
sons in  their  best  years.  In  addition  to  these  there  were  some 
from  Thelemarken  and  from  Numedal  who  were  unable  to  go 
with  me  as  our  ship  was  full.  We  went  from  Drammen  direct 
to  New  York."  30  Rynning's  account,  together  with  the  pres- 
ence of  Ansten  Nattestad  and  the  influence  of  Ole  Nattestad's 
book  and  of  the  "  America  letters,"  had  a  considerable  effect 
upon  the  emigration,  especially  from  Numedal,  a  region  in  the 
southern  part  of  Norway  between  Christiania  and  Hardanger. 
The  two  books,  particularly  Rynning's,  "  in  which  a  scholarly 
and  graphic  account  of  conditions  and  prospects  in  the  new 
world  were   [sic]   presented,  were  quickly  spread  throughout 


29  A  Norwegian  mile  is  equivalent  to  seven  English  miles. 

30  Nilsson  in  Billed-Magazin,  1  :  94. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  17 

Norway,"  writes  Professor  Rasmus  B.  Anderson,  "  and  from 
this  time  on  we  may  regard  regular  emigration  from  various 
parts  of  Norway  as  fully  established,  though  emigrant  packets 
do  not  appear  to  have  begun  to  ply  regularly  until  after 
1840."  31 

Nilsson,  relying  on  information  supplied  him  by  Gullik  O. 
Gravdal,  an  immigrant  of  1839,  says  of  Nattestad's  return  to 
Norway  and  of  the  influence  of  Rynning's  book  :  "  Hardly  any 
other  Norwegian  publication  has  been  purchased  and  read  with 
such  avidity  as  this  Rynning's  Account  of  America.  People 
traveled  long  distances  to  hear  '  news  '  from  the  land  of  won- 
ders, and  many  who  before  were  scarcely  able  to  read  began 
in  earnest  to  practice  in  the  'America-book,'  making  such  prog- 
ress that  they  were  soon  able  to  spell  their  way  forward  and 
acquire  most  of  the  contents.  The  sensation  created  by  An- 
sten's  return  was  much  the  same  as  that  which  one  might  im- 
agine a  dead  man  would  create,  were  he  to  return  to  tell  of  the 
life  beyond  the  grave.  Throughout  the  winter  he  was  con- 
tinually surrounded  by  groups  who  listened  attentively  to  his 
stories.  Since  many  came  long  distances  in  order  to  talk  with 
him,  the  reports  of  the  far  west  were  soon  spread  over  a  large 
part  of  the  country.  Ministers  and  bailiffs,  says  Gullik  Grav- 
dal, tried  to  frighten  us  with  terrible  tales  about  the  dreadful 
sea  monsters,  and  about  man-eating  wild  animals  in  the  new 
world ;  but  when  Ansten  Nattestad  had  said  Yes  and  Amen  to 
Rynning's  Account,  all  fears  and  doubts  were  removed."  32 

31  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian  Immigration,  267.  See  also  Flom, 
Norzvegian  Immigration,  103;  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  87; 
Nilsson  in  Billed-Magazin,  1 :  7,  94. 

32  Billed-Magazin,  1 :  154.  Anderson  gives  a  typical  example  of  the 
influence  of  Rynning's  book.  "  In  the  winter  of  1839  there  was  a  party 
at  the  house  of  Mr.  Gilderhus  in  Voss  [a  district  in  the  western  part  of 
Norway  near  Bergen],  and  one  man  read  aloud  out  of  Ole  Rynning's 
book.  All  listened  attentively.  It  is  said  that  wherever  Ole  Rynning's  book 
was  read  anywhere  in  Norway,  people  listened  as  attentively  as  if 
they  were  in  church.  Several  Vossings  resolved  to  emigrate  that  year, 
and  in  obedience  to  instructions  in  Rynning's  book  all  took  guns  or  rifles 
with  them  to  be  prepared  for  all  the  wild  game  they  expected  to  find  in 
America."    First  Chapter  of  Norwegian  Immigration,  331. 


i8  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

The  report  of  Rynning's  death  and  the  pathetic  end  of  the 
Beaver  Creek  colony  probably  dampened  the  ardor  of  pros- 
pective emigrants.  Xilsson  gives  an  interesting  account  by 
an  eyewitness  of  the  effect  of  Rynning's  book  and  of  his  death 
upon  the  people  of  his  home  town.  "  For  a  time  I  believed  that 
half  of  the  population  of  Snaasen  had  lost  their  senses.  Noth- 
ing else  was  spoken  of  than  the  land  which  flows  with  milk 
and  honey.  Our  minister,  Ole  Rynning's  father,  tried  to  stop 
the  fever.  Even  from  the  pulpit  he  urged  the  people  to  be  dis- 
creet and  described  the  hardships  of  the  voyage  and  the  cruelty 
of  the  American  savage  in  most  forbidding  colors.  This  was 
only  pouring  oil  upon  the  fire.  Candidate  Ole  Rynning  was 
one  of  those  philanthropists  for  whom  no  sacrifice  is  too  great 
if  it  can  only  contribute  to  the  happiness  of  others.  He  was, 
in  the  fullest  sense,  a  friend  of  the  people,  the  spokesman  of 
the  poor  and  one  whose  mouth  never  knew  deceit.  Thus  his 
character  was  judged,  and  his  lack  of  practical  sense  and  his 
helplessness  in  respect  to  the  duties  of  life  were  overlooked. 
But  then  came  the  news  :  Ole  Rynning  is  no  more.  This  acted 
as  cold  water  upon  the  blood  of  the  people.  The  report  of  his 
death  caused  sorrow  throughout  the  whole  parish,  for  but  few 
have  been  so  commonly  loved  as  this  man.  Xow  the  desire 
to  emigrate  cooled  also,  and  many  of  those  who  formerly  had 
spoken  most  enthusiastically  in  favor  of  emigration  now  shud- 
dered with  fear  at  the  thought  of  America's  unhealthful  cli- 
mate, which,  in  the  best  years  of  his  strength  and  health,  had 
bereaved  them  of  their  favorite,  '  Han  Ola,'  who  had  not  an 
enemy,  but  a  multitude  of  friends  who  looked  up  to  him  as  to 
a  higher  being,  equipped  with  all  those  accomplishments  that 
call  forth  the  high  esteem  and  trust  of  his  fellow  citizens."  33 

When  the  father  of  Ole  Rynning,  in  the  fall  of  1839,  re- 
ceived his  first  intimation  of  the  death  of  his  son  and  of  the 
tragedy  which  had  befallen  the  Beaver  Creek  settlers,  he  pub- 
lished in  Morgenbladet  the  letter  containing  the  news,  and 
added  a  number  of  annotations  which  made  it  evident  th?t  he 

33  Billcd-Magacin,  1  :  45. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION 


19 


doubted  the  truth  of  the  report  and  clung  to  the  hope  that  all 
was  yet  well  with  his  son.34  At  the  end  of  the  communication 
he  listed  in  tabular  form  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of 
both  Norway  and  America,  and  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
they  were  so  evenly  balanced  "  that  none  save  speculators  or 
those  who  are  dissatisfied  with  the  established  order  or  are 
persecuted  will  be  willing,  when  all  is  considered,  to  pay  from 
seventy  to  eighty  specie  dollars  to  exchange  their  position  here 
with  one  there."  The  comparison,  coming  from  the  pen  of  a 
well-known  Norwegian  clergyman  who  at  the  same  time  was 
the  father  of  Ole  Rynning,  is  worth  noting  in  detail.  The 
Reverend  Mr.  Rynning  arranged  his  items  in  parallel  columns, 
as  follows : 


IN  NORWAY 
Freedom    from   taxes    on   land, 
long  as  we  have  peace. 


so 


Since  the  Danish  period  such  taxes 
have  been  unknown  here. 

Every  man  here  has  to  work  scarce- 
ly one  day  a  year  on  the  roads. 

Good  air. 

Few  or  no  snakes. 


Here  all  the  citizens  of  the  state, 
in  both  of  the  united  kingdoms, 
have  practically  all  the  essential 
human  rights  maintained  by  wise 
laws. 

Here  the  grain  often  freezes  in 
many  districts. 


IN  NORTH  AMERICA 
Everyone    who   has    land    that   has 
been    used    more    than    five    years 
must  always  pay  a  land  tax. 

Fifty  per  cent  of  all  movable  prop- 
erty. 

Here  every  able-bodied  man  must 
work  four  days  on  the  roads. 

In  right  many  regions  very  bad  air. 

An  immense  number  of  snakes, 
which  here  get  into  the  very  houses, 
and  many  of  them  are  very  poison- 
ous. 

Here  in  many  states  two-thirds  of 
the  people  are  slaves,  who  are 
bought  and  sold  like  cattle  in  Nor- 
way. 

In  the  warmer  regions  it  often 
happens  that  the  grain  is  blighted 
or  damaged  by  torrents. 


34  The  letter  was  dated  September  4,  1839,  and  appears  in  Morgenbladet, 
1839,  no.  283.  It  incorporates  a  letter  from  Hans  Barlien  dated  April  23, 
1839,  at  "  St.  Fransville,"  Missouri.  A  typewritten  copy  of  the  document, 
made  from  the  printed  version  in  Morgenbladet  in  the  library  of  the 
University  of  Oslo,  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Minnesota  Historical  Society. 


20 


RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 


IN  NORWAY 
Here  we  have  the  sea  on  all  sides 
much  nearer  than  in  America,  and 
as  regards  Norway  the  most  of 
the  districts  are  either  situated  in 
coastal  regions  with  deep  fjords  or 
else  are  not  far  from  the  coast. 


IN  NORTH  AMERICA 
Here  they  have  the  great  Mississippi 
River,  which  at  Barlien's  place  of 
residence  is  230  Norwegian  miles 
from  the  sea,  at  Beaver  Creek  some- 
what farther  away  on  that  side, 
but  here  is  also  communication  by 
water  with  all  the  regions  around 
the  Great  Lakes  and  with  the  sea  at 
New  York.  Still,  the  distance  by 
land  from  here  [that  is,  from  Bea- 
ver Creek  to  Chicago]  is  ten  Nor- 
wegian miles. 

Here  in  many  places  both  logs  and 
stones  are  lacking,  which  therefore 
must  be  brought  long  distances. 

Here  they  live  in  harmony  with  one 
another  because  every  irreconcilable 
person  can  move  out.  As  to  the 
Indians,  one  is  not  sure  of  a  lasting 
peace  with  them. 

Those  who  can  speak  English  well 
and  who  know  a  well-patronizecl 
trade  can  get  good  wages  here.  But 
everything  that  they  need  is  ex- 
pensive, so  that  the  real  earnings 
are  on  the  one  hand  less  than  one 
might  suppose,  and  on  the  other 
hand  of  less  value  than  they  would 
have  in  Norway. 


Since  the  normal  ratio  obtains  here  Since    about    150,000    people    immi- 

between    the    two    sexes,    everyone  grate  each  year,  most  of  whom  are 

who  is  able  to  support  a  family  can  males,  many  must  consequently  live 

also  easily  find  a  wife.  there  in  single  blessedness. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Beaver  Creek  tragedy  was  wide- 
ly reported  in  Norway  and  that  the  report  tended  to  check  the 
upward  trend  of  the  emigration  movement  for  two  or  three 
years.  Dr.  George  T.  Flom,  commenting  on  the  lull  in  the 
emigration,  suggests  that  the  prospective  emigrants,  realizing 
the  many  serious  difficulties  that  were  connected  with  emigra- 
tion, were  simply  awraiting  favorable  news  from  friends  and 


Here    are    plenty    of    building    ma- 
terials. 


Here  all  who  will,  live  at  peace  with 
their  fellow  beings,  safe  under  the 
protection  of  the  laws. 


The  daily  wages  are  small  here 
and  necessaries  cheap.  Every  well- 
behaved  and  industrious  man  can 
also  here  put  something  aside  each 
year. 


HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION  21 

relatives.  The  Rynning  book  was  nevertheless  distributed  in 
some  districts  of  Norway  where  no  reports  of  the  Beaver 
Creek  colonists  came ;  and,  as  Babcock  says,  "  by  its  compact 
information  and  its  intelligent  advice,  it  converted  many  to  the 
new  movement."  35 

Rynning's  Sandfærdig  Beretning  om  Amerika,  a  booklet  of 
thirty-nine  pages,  is  now  very  rare.  One  copy  is  in  the  library 
of  the  University  of  Illinois.  A  photograph  of  the  title  page 
of  this  copy  supplies  the  frontispiece  to  the  present  volume. 
Recently  a  second  copy  of  the  book  was  found  in  the  library 
of  Det  Kongelige  Norske  Videnskabers  Selskab  at  Trondhjem, 
Norway,  and  this  copy  has  been  loaned  to  the  Norwegian- 
American  Historical  Association  for  use  in  connection  with  the 
preparation  of  the  present  volume.  The  text  of  the  original 
as  printed  in  the  following  pages  is  based  upon  this  copy,  photo- 
static reproductions  of  which  are  owned  by  the  Norwegian- 
American  Historical  Association  and  the  Minnesota  Historical 
Society.  In  1896  Professor  Rasmus  B.  Anderson  published  a 
reprint  of  the  book  with  the  title  Student  Ole  Rynnings  Anier- 
ikabog,  but  the  edition  of  the  reprint  was  so  small  that  copies 
of  it  are  now  almost  as  difficult  to  obtain  as  the  original.  A 
collation  of  the  Anderson  reprint  with  the  copy  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Det  Kongelige  Norske  Videnskabers  Selskab  makes  it 
evident  that  the  reprint  is  based  upon  a  second  or  later  edition 
of  the  book.  In  the  reprint  the  date  of  publication  appears  on 
the  title  page  as  1839,  instead  of  1838,  and  its  version  of  the 
text  of  Rynning's  chapter  13  contains  several  paragraphs  that 
are  not  in  the  1838  edition.36 

35  Reiersen,  Veiviser,  151  (translation  in  Norwegian- American  Histori- 
cal Association,  Studies  and  Records,  1:112);  Flom,  Norwegian  Immi- 
gration, 152;  Babcock,  Scandinavian  Element,  37,  40. 

36  The  reprint,  brought  out  at  Madison,  Wisconsin,  is  a  paper-bound 
pamphlet  of  fifty-six  pages,  with  a  preface  of  two  pages,  the  original 
text,  and  a  one-page  appendix  containing  Rynning's  poem.  Though  the 
Anderson  reprint  seems  to  contain  conclusive  internal  proof  that  it  is 
based  upon  an  edition  of  1839,  which  differs  from  the  original  1838  edition, 
the  present  writer  has  been  unable  to  locate  a  copy  of  the   1839  edition. 


22  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

Several  partial  translations  of  the  book  have  been  made,  and 
some  years  ago  the  present  writer  brought  out  in  the  Minnesota 
History  Bulletin  the  first  complete  translation,  together  with  an 
introduction  and  numerous  annotations.37  The  present  intro- 
duction and  the  translation  that  follows  are  based  upon  this 
earlier  version,  though  the  introduction  has  been  rewritten  in 
the  light  of  new  sources  of  information  that  have  recently  been 
found,  and  there  are  minor  changes  in  the  text,  which  has  been 
compared  throughout  with  the  1838  edition.  In  Rynning's 
chapter  13  as  published  below,  both  in  the  original  and  in  the 
translation,  the  version  of  the  1838  edition  is  followed.  A 
footnote  to  the  Norwegian  text  gives  the  version  printed  by 
Anderson,  and  a  footnote  to  the  translation  presents  it  in  Eng- 
lish. It  remains  to  be  said  that  in  the  present  volume  the  origi- 
nal text  and  a  complete  translation  of  Rynning's  True  Account 
of  America  are  brought  together  for  the  first  time. 

Professor  Anderson  himself  says  that  his  version  was  based  upon  a  copy 
of  Rynning's  book  loaned  to  him  by  Rynning's  nephew,  the  Reverend  Bernt 
J.  Muus.  The  present  writer  had  supposed  that  the  Muus  copy  was  the 
one  that  later  came  into  the  possession  of  the  University  of  Illinois.  But  the 
Illinois  copy  is  of  the  1838  edition.  It  may  therefore  be  conjectured  that 
the  copy  obtained  by  Professor  Anderson  from  Muus  is  not  the  Illinois 
copy.    What  has  become  of  the  copy  owned  by  Muus? 

37  The  title,  preface,  chapter  headings,  and  part  of  chapter  seven  of 
the  book  are  translated  by  Professor  Anderson  in  his  First  Chapter  of 
Norzvcgian  Immigration,  208-215.  Babcock,  in  his  Scandinavian  Element, 
37-39»  gives  the  preface  and  chapter  headings  in  English  and  summarizes 
other  portions.  Flom  in  his  Norwegian  Immigration,  86,  103-107,  gives  an 
outline  of  the  contents  of  the  book  and  translates  some  passages.  The 
complete  translation  referred  to  appears  in  the  Minnesota  History  Bulletin, 
2 :  221-269. 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT 


OLE  RYNNING 

SANDFÆRDIG  BERETNING  OM  AMERIKA, 

TIL  OPLYSNING  OG  NYTTE  FOR 

BONDE  OG  MENIGMAND 


Srtirtfttrtiiø  flcrrtning 


cm 


$C  m  c  t  i  f  a, 


til  ØpUpntnø  og  XlijUe  for  Øont>r  øø 

iTlcnigman^ 

forfattet  af 

<?it  OTprfF,  forn  forn  fccrofcer  t  %nni 
Wlaanth  1837* 


.Cljrtftianta 


Trykt  i  Guldberg  &  Dzwonkowski  Officin  ved  P.  T.  Mailing 


FORORD. 

Gode  Landsmænd, 

Bønder  og  Haandværkere ! 
Jeg  har  nu  været  otte  Maaneder  i  A  m  e  r  i  k  a ,  og  har  i  denne 
Tid  havt  Anledning  til  at  erfare  Meget,  hvorom  jeg  forgjæves 
søgte  at  indhente  Oplysning,  førend  jeg  forlod  Norge.  Jeg 
folede  ved  hiin  Leilighed,  hvor  ubehagelig!  det  er  for  dem, 
som  ville  udvandre  til  Amerika,  at  de  maae  savne  en 
paalidelig  og  nogenlunde  udførlig  Beretning  om  Landet;  jeg 
erfarede  ogsaa,  hvor  stor  Folks  Uvidenhed  er,  og  hvilke  falske 
og  urimelige  Rygter  der  troedes  som  fuld  Sandhed.  —  I  nær- 
værende lille  Skrift  har  det  derfor  været  min  Bestræbelse  at 
besvare  ethvert  Spørgsmaal,  som  jeg  selv  opkastede,  at  oplyse 
ethvert  Punkt,  hvorom  jeg  mærkede,  at  Folk  [p.  vi]  vare  i 
Uvidenhed,  og  at  gjendrive  de  falske  Rygter,  som  ere  komne 
mig  for  Øre,  deels  før  min  Afreise  fra  Norge,  deels  efter  min 
Ankomst  hid. — Jeg  vil  ønske  kjære  Læser!  at  Du  ikke  maa 
finde  nogen  Post,  hvorom  du  ønskede  Oplysning,  forbigaaet 
eller  ufuldstændig  behandlet ! 

Illinois,  d.  13de  Februar  1838. 

Ole  Rynning. 


INDHOLD. 

Side. 

1.  Paa  hvad  Kant  ligger  Amerika  for  Norge,  og  hvor 
langt  er  det  derhen? i. 

2.  Hvorledes  er  dette  Land  først  bleven  bekjendt?   .     .       3. 

3.  Hvordan  er  dette  Land  i  det  Hele  beskaffent,  og 
hvad  er  Aarsagen  til,  at  saa  mange  Folk  reise  did,  og 
vente  at  finde  Levebrød  der? 7. 

4.  Er  det  ikke  at  befrygte,  at  Landet  snart  vil  blive  for 
meget  opfyldt  med  Folk?  —  Er  det  sandt,  at  Re- 
gjeringen der  vil  forbyde  flere  Folk  at  komme?    .     .       8. 

5.  I  hvilken  Deel  af  Landet  have  de  Norske  nedsat  sig? 
Hvilken  er  den  beqvemmeste  og  billigste  Vei  til 
dem? n. 

6.  Hvorledes  er  Landets  Beskaffenhed,  hvor  de  Norske 
have  nedsat  sig?     Hvad  koster  en  god  Jordvei  der? 
Hvilke  ere  Priserne  paa  Kreature  og  Levnetsmidler  ? 
Hvor  høi  er  Daglønnen? 13. 

7.  Hvad  Slags  Religion  er  der  i  Amerika?  Er  der 
nogen  Slags  Orden  og  Regjering  i  Landet,  eller  kan 
Enhver  gjøre  hvad  han  lyster  ? 21. 

8.  Hvordan  er  der  sørget  for  Barnelærdommen  og  for 

de  Fattige? 25. 

9.  Hvilket  Sprog  tales  i  Amerika?     er  det  vanskeligt 

at  lære? 26. 

10.  Er  det  farligt  med  Hensyn  til  Sygdomme  i  Amerika? 
Har  man  noget  at  befrygte  af  vilde  Dyr  eller  af 
Indianerne? 27. 

11.  For  hvad  Slags  Folk  er  det  raadeligt  at  reise  til 
Amerika,  og  for  hvem  er  det  ikke  raadeligt?  —  Ad- 
varsel imod  urimelige  Forventninger 28 


30  RY N MING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

12.  Hvilke  Farer  kunne  især  møde  paa  Havet?  Er  det 
sandt,  at  de,  som  føres  til  Amerika,  blive  solgte  som 
Slaver 32. 

13.  Veiledende  Raad  for  dem,  som  ville  reise  til  Amer- 
ika. Hvorledes  de  skulle  hyre  et  Skib;  hvorledes  de 
skulle  vexle  deres  Penge,  hvilken  Tid  og  Vei  er  den 
beqvemmeste ;  hvad  man  bør  medtage    .....     34. 


BERETNING 

OM 

AMERIKA. 


i.  Paa  hvad  Kant  ligger  Amerika  for  Norge,  og  hvor  langt 

er  det  derhen? 

A  m  e  r  i  k  a  er  en  særdeles  stor  Verdensdeel,  som  ligger  vest- 
lig fra  Norge.  Det  strækker  sig  omtrent  1300  Mile  fra  Nord 
mod  Syd,  og  bestaaer  af  to  Hoveddele,  som  alene  hænge  sam- 
men med  en  smal  Jordtange.  Hvad  der  ligger  Nord  for  denne 
Tange,  kaldes  Nordamerika,  og  hvad  der  ligger  Syd  for 
Tangen,  kaldes  Sydamerika.  Enhver  af  disse  Dele  inde- 
holder  mange  Landskaber,  som  ere  ligesaa  forskjellige  i  Navne, 
Regjering  og  Beliggenhed,  som  Norge  og  England,  eller 
Norge  og  Spanien.  Naar  Du  altsaa  hører  om  at  reise  til  Amer- 
ika, maa  Du  spørge :  "  Til  hvilken  Deel  af  Amerika  ? 
og  til  hvilket  Landskab  der  ?  "  —  Den  vigtigste  Stat  i  hele 
Amerika  saavel  med  Hensyn  til  Folkemængde  som  Frihed 
og  lykkelig  Forfatning  er  "de  forenede  Stater"  i  Nord- 
amerika. Derfor  er  det  almindelig  ogsaa  dette  Landskab, 
som  menes,  naar  Du  hører  Nogen  paa  en  ubestemt  Maade  at 
[p.  2]38  tale  om  Amerika ;  hid  er  det,  at  dine  Landsmænd  ere 
udvandrede ;  og  dette  Land  or  det,  som  jeg  nu  vil  beskrive. 

"De  forenede  Stater"  ere  altsaa  beliggende  omtrent 
sydvest  for  Norge.  For  at  komme  did  maa  Du  seile  over  et 
Hav,  som  er  omtrent  900  norske  Mile  bredt.  Med  føielig  Vind 
og  paa  et  Skib,  som  seiler  godt,  kan  du  komme  over  paa  mindre 
end  en  Maaned  ;  men  den  sædvanlige  Tid  er  9  Uger,  undertiden 
lidt  mere,  undertiden  mindre.  Vinden  er  nemlig  for  det  Meste 
vestlig,  og  altsaa  imod,  naar  du  vil  reise  til  Amerika.  Efter 
Veirets  Beskaffenhed  gaaer  man  stundom  nordenom  Skotland, 
som  er  den  korteste  Vei,  stundom  gjennen  Kanalen  mellem 
England  og  Frankrige. 

Da  Amerika  ligger  saa  langt  mod  Vest,  have  de  der  noget 
over  sex  Timer  senere  Middag  end  i  Norge.     Solen  løber  — 

38  The  page  numbers  of  the  original  are  shown  in  brackets. 

83 


34  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

efter  den  almindelige  Maade  at  tale  paa  —  Jorden  rundt  i  24 
Timer,  som  vi  dagligen  erfare;  sex  Timer  er  altsaa  Fjerdedelen 
af  dens  Omløbstid,  hvoraf  vi  slutte,  at  der  fra  Norge  til 
Amerika  er  en  Fjerdedeel  af  hele  Jordens  Omkreds. 

[p.   3.]    2.  Hvorledes   er   Landet  først   bleven   bekjendt? 

Af  de  gamle  Sagaer  sees  tydeligt,  at  de  Norske  alt  kj endte 
Amerika  før  den  sorte  Død.  De  kaldte  Landet  V  i  i  n  1  a  n  d 
Gode,  og  fandt,  at  det  havde  lave  Kyster,  som  overalt  vare 
bevoxede  med  Skov.  Ikkedestomindre  var  her  dog  Mennesker 
alt  paa  den  Tid  ;  men  de  vare  vilde,  og  Normændene  æstimerede 
dem  ikke  mere,  end  at  de  kaldte  dem  "  Skrællinge  r .  " 
Efter  den  sorte  Død,  1350,  glemte  de  Norske  Veien  til  V  i  in- 
land Gode,  og  Æren  for  Amerikas  Opdagelse  tilskrives  nu 
Christopher  Columbus,  som  fandt  Veien  did  i  Aaret 
1492.  Han  var  dengang  i  spansk  Tjeneste,  hvorfor  ogsaa  den 
første  Fordeel  af  denne  vigtige  Opdagelse  tilflød  Spanierne. 

Da  Dronning  Elisabeth  regjerede  over  England,  blev  først 
den  vestlige  Kyst  af  Nordamerika  beseilet  af  Engelskmænd, 
og  Walter  Raleigh  stiftede  den  første  engelske  Kolonie  her, 
som  han  kaldte  Virginia.  Efterhaanden  stiftedes  flere  Kolonier 
af  forskjellige  Nationer.  Nogle  Norske  anlagde  ogsaa  1624 
en  liden  By,  som  de  kaldte  Bergen,  i  den  Deel  af  Landet,  som 
nu  kaldes  New-Yersey.  Engelskmændene  beholdt  dog  Over- 
vægten,  og  under  dem  stod  Landet  indtil  4de  Juli  1776,  da  det 
skilte  sig  fra  England,  og  gav  sig  selv  en  fri  Regjering  uden 
Konge.  Siden  den  Tid  er  det  næsten  utroligt,  [p.  4]  hvor 
hurtigt  Landet  har  tåget  til  i  Rigdom  og  Folkemængde. 

I  1 82 1  kom  en  Person,  ved  Navn  Kleng  Peersen,  fra 
Stavanger  Amt  i  Norge  over  til  Nyjork  i  de  forenede 
Stater.  I  1824  var  han  en  Snartour  tilbage  til  Norge,  og 
ved  hans  Beretninger  om  Amerika  vaktes  hos  Flere  Lysten  at 
reise  didhen.  Et  L'dvandringsselskab  paa  52  Personer  kjøbte 
en  liden  Slup  for  1800  Spd.  som  de  lastede  med  Jern  for  at  gaae 
til  Nyjork.  Skipperen  og  Styrmanden  vare  selv  deelagtige  i 
denne  Spekulation.     De  passerede  gjennem  Kanalen  og  løbe 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  35 

ind  i  en  liden  Udhavn  paa  Kysten  af  England,  hvor  de  begyndte 
at  sælge  Brændeviin,  som  der  er  en  forbuden  Vare.  Da  de 
mærkede,  hvilken  Fare  de  derved  havde  udsat  sig  for,  maatte 
de  i  største  Hast  igjen  søge  tilhavs.  Formedelst  Skipperens 
Uvidenhed  eller  Modvind  kom  de  saa  langt  Syd,  som  til 
Madeiraøerne.  Her  fandt  de  en  Tønde  Madeiraviin  svøm- 
mende paa  Havet,  hvilken  de  halede  til  sig  og  begyndte  at 
pumpe  og  drikke.  Da  hele  Mandskabet  var  beskjænket,  kom 
Skibet  drivende  som  et  Pestskib  ind  i  Havnen,  uden  Kom- 
mando og  uden  at  heise  Flag.  En  Bremer,  som  laae  paa  Reden, 
raabte  til  dem,  at  de  øyeblikkelig  maatte  heise  Flag,  dersom  de 
ikke  vilde  hilses  af  Fæstningens  Kanoner,  som  virkelig  alt 
vare  rettede  mod  dem;  og  nu  fik  omsider  en  af  Passagererne 
Flaget  fat  [p.  5]  og  fik  det  heiset.  Efter  disse  og  flere  Farer 
naaede  de  endelig  Ny j  ork  i  Sommeren  1825.  De  havde  i  det  Hele 
været  14  Uger  fra  Stavanger  til  Amerika,  som  er  den  længste 
Tid,  jeg  veed  nogen  Norsk  har  været  underveis.  Imidlertid 
var  ingen  død  paa  Søen,  og  alle  Aland  vare  friske  ved  Landing- 
en. I  Nyjork  vakte  det  almindelig  Forundring,  at  de  Norske 
havde  vovet  sig  over  det  vide  Hav  paa  saa  lidet  et  Fartøi, 
hvilket  hidtil  var  uhørt.  Af  Uvidenhed  eller  Misforstaaelse 
havde  man  bemandet  Skibet  med  flere  Aland,  end  de  ameri- 
kanske Love  tillade,  hvorfor  der  blev  lagt  Arrest  paa  Skipper 
og  Skibet  med  dets  Ladning.  Nu  kan  jeg  ikke  med  Vished 
fortælle,  enten  Regjeringen  af  sig  selv  hævede  Arresten,  i 
Betragtning  af  vore  gode  Landsmænds  Uvidenhed  og  barnag- 
tige  Fremfærd,  eller  om  Qvækerne  alt  nu  havde  tåget  sig  af 
dem ;  nok  er  det :  Skipperen  slap  fri,  og  Skib  og  Ladning  gaves 
Eierne  tilbage.  De  tabte  dog  betydeligt  ved  sammes  Salg, 
som  ikke  indbragte  dem  Mere  end  400  Daler.  —  Skipperen  og 
Styrmanden  nedsatte  sig  i  Nyjork.  De  Øvrige  fik  ved 
Qvækernes  Sammenskud  Hjælp  til  at  komme  længer  op  i 
Landet.  To  af  Følget,  som  vare  Qvækere,  nedsatte  sig  i 
Rochester.  Een  af  disse,  ved  Navn  Lars  Larsen,  boer 
endnu  der.  De  Øvrige  kjøbte  sig  Land  5  Mile  nordvest  for 
Rochester   i   M  o  r  r  i .      Her   maatte   de  give   fem   Daler   for 


36  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

Ækkeren;  men  da  de  ikke  havde  [p.  6]  Penge  til  at  betale 
med  strax,  skulde  Betalingen  erlægges  terminviis  i  ti  Aar. 
Enhver  kjøbte  omtrent  40  Ækker.  Landet  her  var  tæt  bevoxet 
med  Skov  og  tungt  at  rødde.  De  første  405  Aar  vare  derfor 
meget  møisommelige  for  disse  Folk.  De  lede  ofte  stor  Xød 
og  ønskede  sig  kun  tilbage  til  Norge ;  men  de  saae  ingen 
Mulighed  til  at  komme  der,  uden  at  opofre  den  sidste  Skjærv 
a  f  deres  Formue,  og  de  vilde  ikke  komme  tilbage  som  Tiggere. 
Dog  —  velgjørende  Naboer  understøttede  dem,  og  ved  egen 
Flid  fik  de  omsider  deres  Jord  i  saadan  Stand,  at  de  kunde 
leve  af  den,  og  leve  bedre,  end  i  deres  gamle  Fødeland.  —  Ved 
deres  Breve  opmuntredes  nu  flere  norske  Bønder  til  at  søge 
deres  Lykke  i  Amerika ;  men  de  reiste  kun  enkeltviis,  og  toge 
almindelig  Veien  over  Gøtheborg  i  Sverige,  hvorfra  der  ofte 
gives  Leilighed  til  de  Forenede  Stater.  En  af  dem,  som  gik 
denne  Vei,  en  Mand  ved  Navn  Gjert  Gregoriussen  Hovland, 
skrev  adskillige  Breve  tilbage  til  sine  Venner  i  Norge,  hvilke 
Breve  bleve  mange  Gange  afskrevne  og  omsendte  til  mange 
Bygdelag  i  Bergens  Stift.  I  1835  var  ogsaa  En  af  de  først 
L'dvandrede,  en  Ungkarl  ved  Navn  Knud  Slagvigen,  en  Tour 
tilbage  til  Norge,  og  Mange  reiste  lange  Veie  allene  for  at  tale 
med  ham.  Saaledes  begyndte  Amerika  at  blive  mere  og  mere 
bekjendt  for  Bonde  og  Menigmand  i  Bergens  og  Christian- 
sands  Stifter.  Følgen  heraf  var,  at  der  i  1836  [p.  7]  gik  to 
Skibe  med  Udvandrende  fra  Stavanger,  og  i  1837  eet  fra  Ber- 
gen og  eet  fra  Stavanger,  foruden  Mange,  som  gik  om  Gøthe- 
borg eller  om  Hamburg.  —  Den  allerstørste  Deel  af  dem,  jeg 
hidtil  har  talt  med,  finde  sig  vel  fornøiede  med  deres  nye  Føde- 
land. 

3.  Hvordan  er  dette  Land  i  det  Hele  beskaffent,  og  hvad  er 

Aarsagen  til,  at  saa  mange  Folk  reise  did,  og 

vente  at  finde  Levebrød  der? 

De  Forenede  Stater  er  et  meget  stort  Landskab,  meer 
end  ?o  Gange  saa  stort,  som  hele  Norge;  den  meste  Deel  af 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  37 

Landet  er  fladt  og  dyrkbart ;  men  da  dets  Udstrækning  er  saa 
stor,  er  der  ogsaa  stor  Forskjel  med  Hensyn  til  Veirets  Mildhed 
og  Jordbundens  Godhed.  I  de  østligste  og  nordligste  Stater  er 
Klimat  og  Jordbund  ikke  bedre  end  i  det  sydlige  Norge;  i  de 
vestlige  Stater  derimod  er  Jorden  for  det  meste  saa  fed,  at  den 
bærer  ethvert  Slags  Korn  uden  Gjødsel ;  og  i  de  sydlige  Stater 
avles  endog  Sukker,  Risengryn,  Tobak,  Bomuld  og  flere  Ting, 
som  udfordre  en  stærk  Varme. 

Det  er  en  almindelig  Tro  iblandt  Menigmand  i  Norge,  at 
Amerika  for  nogle  Aar  siden  har  været  vel  befolket,  og  at  en 
Pest  —  omtrent  som  den  sorte  Død  —  har  lagt  Landet  øde  for 
Folk.  I  Følge  heraf  tro  de,  at  de,  som  udvandre  til 
Ame-[/\  #]rika,  ville  finde  oprøddede  Gaarde,  Huse,  Klæderog 
Indbo  færdige  for  dem,  Alt  i  den  Stand,  som  som  [sic]  de 
forlodes  af  de  forrige  Eiere.  Dette  er  en  falsk  Indbildning*). 
Denne  Deel  af  Amerika  var,  da  Landet  først  opdagedes,  allene 
beboet  af  enkelte  vilde  Nationer,  som  levede  af  Jagten.  De 
gamle  Indbyggere  trængtes  mere  og  mere  tilbage,  da  de  ikke 
vilde  vænne  sig  til  et  ordentligt  Liv  og  Arbeidsomhed ;  men 
endnu  er  den  største  Deel  af  Landet  ikke  engang  paabegyndt  at 
dyrkes  og  beboes  af  kultiverede  Folkeslag. 

4.  Er  det  ikke  at  befrygte,  at  Landet  snart  vil  blive  for  meget 

opfyldt  med  Folk?  —  Er  det  sandt,  at  Regjeringen 

der  vil  forbyde  flere  Folk  at  komme? 

Ovenfor  er  allerede  omtalt,  at  de  Forenede   Stater  i  Ud- 

strækning  ere  mere  end  20  Gange  saa  store,  som  Norge,  og  at 

den   største   Deel   af   Landet   ikke   engang  er  paabegyndt   at 

dyrkes.    Tage  vi  nu  [p.  9]  hertil  i  Betragtning,  at  næsten  hver 

*)  iP-  8]  Jeg  vil  dog  ikke  benægte,  at  de  Forenede  Stater  langt  tilbage  i 
Tiden  maaskee  have  været  beboede  af  en  anden  og  mere  kultiveret  Folke- 
stamme,  end  de  vilde  Indianere,  som  nu  almindelig  ansees  for  Landets 
første  Indbyggere.  Jeg  har  nemlig  seet  gamle  Gravhøie  her,  som  ligne  de 
norske  Kjæmpehøie,  og  Amerikanerne  [p.  0]  have  fortalt  mig,  at  man 
ved  at  grave  i  saadanne  har  fundet  baade  Menneskebeen  af  usædvanlig 
Størrelse,  og  adskillige  Vaaben  og  Redskaber  af  Jern,  som  vidne  om  en 
høiere  Kultur  end  Indianernes.  Det  er  ogsaa  mærkværdigt,  at  Indianerne 
selv  ikke  kjende  Oprindelsen  til  disse  Gravhøie. 


38  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

Fodsbred  af  de  Forenede  Stater  er  dyrkbart  Land,  medens  der. 
største  Deel  af  Norge  bestaaer  af  ufrugtbare  Fjelde,  og  at 
Amerika  formedels  sin  sydlige  Beliggenhed  er  rigere  paa 
Produkter  til  Menneskers  Underholdning  end  Norge;  saa 
kunne  vi  uden  Overdrivelse  antage,  at  de  Forenede  Stater 
kunde  modtage  mere  end  ioo  Gange  saa  mange  Mennesker, 
som  der  findes  i  hele  Norge.  Nu  er  det  rigtignok  en  Sandhed, 
at  der  aarlig  strømme  hundrede  tusinde  Mennesker  did  fra 
forskjellige  andre  Lande  af  Europa,  men  alligevel  er  det  ikke 
at  befrygte,  at  Landet  vil  blive  opfyldt  i  de  første  50  Aar.  Da 
vi  vare  i  Nyjork  sidste  Sommer,  ankom  der  daglig  flere 
Tusinde  Indvandrende  fra  England,  Tydskland,  Frankrige  o. 
fl.  St.  Mange  betænksomme  Mænd  i  vort  Følge  bleve  derved 
modfaldne,  og  troede.  at  hele  Landet  nu  vilde  blive  fuldt  med 
een  Gang;  men  de  fandt  snart,  at  denne  Frygt  var  overflødig. 
Mange  toge  rigtignok  op  gjennem  Landet  tilligemed  os;  men 
de  adspredte  sig  meer  og  meer,  og  førend  vi  kom  til  Illinois, 
var  der  ikke  een  eneste  af  dem  i  vort  Følge. 

[/>.  10]  Førend  min  A  f  rei  se  fra  Norge  hørte  jeg  det  Rygte, 
at  Regjeringen  i  de  Forenede  Stater  ikke  vilde  tillade  Flere  at 
indvandre  did.  Dette  Rygte  er  falskt.  Den  amerikanske 
Regjering  ønsker  netop,  at  arbeidsomme,  driftige  og  sædelige 
Folk  ville  indvandre  til  dem,  og  derfor  har  den  heller  ikke 
ladet  noget  Forbud  udgaae  i  denne  Henseende.  Men 
sandt  er  det,  at  Regjeringen  her  gjerne  vilde  forhindre,  at 
Indvandrende  ved  deres  Ankomst  til  Landet  strax  falde 
Søstædernes  Indvaanere  til  Byrde  ved  deres  Tiggerier  *  ) .  En 
stor  Deel  af  dem,  som  indvandre  til  Amerika,  ere  nemlig  fattige 
Folk,  som  ved  Landingen  neppe  have  saa  Meget  i  Behold,  at 
de  kunne  kjøbe  et  Maaltid  Mad  for  dem  selv  og  deres  Familie. 
I  hvor  gode  Udsigter  her  virkelig  er  for  den  fattige  Arbeider 

*)  [P-  I01  I  Norge  skal  det  Rygte  være  udspredt,  at  de,  som  i  1836 
udvandrede  fra  Stavanger,  have  været  nødte  til  at  gaae  om  i  Amerika  og 
tigge,  for  at  samle  Reisepenge  tilbage  til  Norge;  men  efter  Alt,  hvad  jeg 
har  spurgt  og  hørt,  er  dette  en  reen  Usandhed.  Jeg  har  talt  med  de  Fleste, 
som  kom  over  i  1836,  og  alle  havde  kommet  sig  meer  eller  mindre  godt. 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  39 

i  Amerika,  saa  vilde  det  dog  være  for  meget  at  vente,  at  han 
allerede  den  første  Dag,  han  betræder  amerikansk  Jordbund, 
skulde  faae  Fortjeneste,  især  i  Søstæderne,  hvor  der  daglig 
ankomme  saa  mange  Tusinde,  som  søge  Arbeide.  Hans  eneste 
Tilflugt  er  altsaa  at  tigge.  For  at  [p.  11]  hindre  dette  fordrer 
Regjeringen  en  Afgift  af  hver  Person,  som  lander  i  Amerika 
for  at  nedsætte  sig  der.  Ved  denne  Afgift  bestrides 
Udgifterne  til  adskillige  Fattighuse,  som  alene  ere  oprettede 
for  fattige  Indvandrende.  De,  som  strax  tåge  længer  ind  i 
Landet,  slippe  med  at  betale  mindre,  end  de,  som  forblive  i 
Søstæderne,  fordi  hine  lettere  kunne  faae  Arbeide,  og  føde  sig 
selv. 

Da  vi  landede  i  Nyjork,  var  hiin  Afgift  der  2%  Dollars; 
men  der  taltes  om,  at  den  vilde  blive  høiere.  Paa  nogle  Steder 
er  Af  giften  10  Dollars. 

Ikke  alle  Nationers  Indvandrende  ere  lige  godt  antagne  af 
Amerikanerne.  Fra  Irland  komme  her  aarlig  en  Mængde 
Pak,  som  ved  deres  Drikfældighed,  Slagsmaal  og  Skjælmerier 
gjøre  sig  almindelig  forhadte.  En  skikkelig  Irlænder  tør 
neppe  være  sig  sit  Nationalnavn  bekjendt.  De  Norske  i  Almin- 
delighed  have  hidtil  et  godt  Rygte  for  deres  Arbeidsomhed, 
Troværdighed,  og  den  Beredvillighed,  hvormed  de  mere 
Formuende  have  hjulpet  de  Fattigere  op  gjennem  Landet. 

5.  I  hvilken  Deel  af  Landet  have  de  Norske  nedsat  sig?  Hvil- 
ken er  den  beqvemeste  og  billigste  Vei  til  dem? 

Norske  findes  omspredte  paa  mange  Steder  i  de  Forenede 
Stater.  I  Nyjork,  Rochester,  Detroit,  [p.  12]  Chicago,  Phila- 
delphia, Nyorleans  skal  man  træffe  enkelte  Norske.  Dog  veed 
jeg  kun  4  a  5  Steder,  hvor  flere  Norske  paa  een  Gang  have 
nedsat  sig.  Disse  Steder  ere :  1 )  Morri  Town,  Orleans 
County,  Nyyork  State,  hvor  jeg  alt  har  fortalt,  at  det  første 
Indvandringsselskab  af  Norske  nedsatte  sig  i  1825.  Der  ere 
nu  kun  2  a  3  Familier  tilbage,  de  øvrige  ere  dragne  længer  ind 
i  Landet,   hvor  de  have  nedsat  sig  i  2)    La  Salle    (Læsæl) 


40  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

County,  Illinois  State,  ved  Foxriver,  omtrent  i%  norsk  Miil 
N.  O.  for  Byen  Ottawa,  og  n  a  12  Mile  vestenfor  Chicago. 
Her  boe  16  a  20  Familier  af  Norske.  Denne  Coloni  stiftedes 
i  1834.  3)  White  County,  Indiana  State,  omtrent  10  norske 
Mile  S.  for  Michigan  Sø  ved  Tippocanoeriver.  Her  boe  endnu 
kun  to  Norske  fra  Drammen,  som  tilsammen  eie  henved  11 00 
Ækker  Land ;  men  i  Nærheden  af  dem  er  endnu  godt  Land 
ledigt.  4)  Shelby  County,  Missouri  State,  hvor  en  Deel 
Norske  fra  Stavanger,  nedsatte  sig  om  Vaaren  1837.  Jeg 
veed  ikke,  hvor  mange  Familier  der  ere,  5)  Iroqvis  County, 
Illinois  State,  ved  Elvene  Beaver  (Bever)  og  Iroqvis  (Eiro- 
qvéis).  Her  nedsatte  sig  en  stor  Deel  af  dem,  som  kom  over 
sidste  Sommer.     Her  ere  nu  11  a  12  Familier. 

Det  er  almindeligt,  at  de  Norske  helst  søge  did,  hvor  de 
vente  at  finde  Landsmænd ;  men  det  er  altid  vanskeligt  at  finde 
godt  Land  ledigt  i  Nærheden  af  dem,  som  ere  indvandrede  eet 
eller  to  Aar  i  Forveien. 

[P-  13] 

6.  Hvorledes  er  Landets  Beskaffenhed,  hvor  de  Norske  have 

nedsat  sig?    Hvad  koster  en  god  Jordvei  der?  Hvilke 

ere  Priserne  paa  Kreature  og  Levnetsmidler? 

Hvor  høi  er  Daglønnen? 

I  de  vestlige  Steder,  hvor  nu  alle  de  norske  Indvandrende 
søge  hen,  er  Landet  meget  fladt  og  lavt.  Jeg  havde  forestillet 
mig,  at  tætte  Skove  maatte  skjule  den  Deel  af  Landet,  som 
ikke  endnu  er  begyndt  at  ryddes;  men  jeg  fandt  det  ganske 
anderledes.  Man  kan  her  reise  to  a  tre  Mile  over  naturlige 
Egne,  som  ere  bevoxede  med  det  frodigste  Græs,  uden  at  møde 
et  eneste  Træ.  Saadanne  naturlige  Egne  kaldes  her  Prærier 
(Prairies).  Fra  den  tidligste  Vaar  indtil  den  sildigste  Høst 
ere  Prærierne  bevoxede  med  de  forskjelligste  Blomster.  Hver 
Maaned  antage  de  en  ny  Dragt.  De  fleste  af  disse  Planter  og 
Græsarter  ere  ubekjendte  i  Norge,  eller  findes  alene  hist  og  her 
i  fornemme  Folks  Haver. 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  41 

Prærierne  ere  en  stor  Herlighed  for  Nybyggerne.  Det 
koster  dem  Intet  her  at  havne  deres  Kreature  og  samle  Vinter- 
foder  for  dem.  Paa  mindre  end  to  Dage  kan  en  duelig 
Arbeider  slaae  og  rage  Vinterfoder  for  en  Ko.  Dog  ansees 
Præriegræsset  ikke  saa  godt  som  tamt  Hø  af  Timothei  og 
Klever.  Jordbunden  paa  Prærierne  er  almindelig  fed,  og  fri 
for  Stene  og  Trærødder.  Til  at  brække  Ager  behøves  derfor 
allene  en  stærk  Ploug  og  fire  a  fem  [p.  14]  Par  Oxer,  hvormed 
een  Mand  kan  oppløie  1  a  2  Ækker  Prærie  om  Dagen.  Uden  at 
gjødsles  bærer  Jorden  Korn  (Maiz)  Hvede,  Boghvede,  Havre, 
Potetes,  Næper,  Gulerødder,  Meloner  o.  a.  m.,  som  her  udgjør 
Landets  Avling.  Korn  ansees  som  den  fordeelagtigste  Sæd, 
og  giver  12  a  24  Tønder  pr.  Ækker.  Havren  og  en  stor  Deel 
af  Kornet  gives  alene  til  Hestene  og  Kreaturerne ;  Hvedemeel 
er  det  meste,  som  bruges  til  Menneskespise.  Byg  og  Rug 
dyrkes  vel  paa  enkelte  Steder,  og  trives  godt,  men  jeg  har 
endnu  intet  seet  af  disse  Kornarter.  Bygget  bruges  ligesom 
Havren,  alene  til  Kreaturfoder.  01  haves  her  ikke,  og  det 
Meste  af  Melken  gives  til  Kalve  og  Sviin.  Til  Frokost  og 
Aftensmad  hører  altid  Kaffe  eller  The,  men  for  Resten  drikkes 
her  kun  koldt  Vand.  —  Efter  den  Priis,  som  01  har  i  Chigago, 
kunde  en  Tønde  01  her  bringes  ud  til  20  Daler. 

I  dette  Land  koster  det  Intet  at  holde  Sviin.  De  føde  sig 
selv  baade  Vinter  og  Sommer,  kun  at  man  giver  dem  saa 
meget,  at  de  ikke  forvildes.  Dette  skeer  dog  alligevel  ofte, 
saa  at  man  mangesteds  kan  see  hele  Flokke  af  vilde  Sviin,  som 
jages,  ligesom  andet  Vildt.  —  Da  det  her  koster  saa  lidet  at 
holde  Sviin,  er  det  ikke  sjeldent,  et  een  Mand  kan  have  50  a 
100  Stykker.  Derfor  spises  her  ogsaa  Flesk  næsten  til  hvert 
Maaltid. 

[p.  75]  Det  er  naturligt,  at  et  Land,  som  er  saa  lidet  befolket, 
har  en  stor  Overflødighed  af  Vildt.  Indianerne,  som  før 
beboede  dette  Land,  levede  alene  af  Jagten.  Naar  en  Nybygger 
er  forsynet  med  en  god  Rifle  og  forstaaer  at  bruge  den,  behøver 
han  ikke  at  kjøbe  Suulvarer  de  første  Par  Aar.     En  god  Rifle 


42  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

koster  her  15  a  20  Dollars.  Det  fornemste  Vildt  er  Hjort, 
Præriehøns,  Kalkuner,  Ænder  og  Vildgjæs.  Her  rindes  ogsaa 
vilde  Bier.     Floderne  ere  rige  paa  Fisk  og  Skildpadder. 

Illinois  og  de  andre  vestlige  Stater  ere  vel  skikkede  for 
Frugtavl.  Æbletræet  bærer  i  femte  a  sjette  Aar  efter  at  det  er 
plantet  af  Kjerne,  og  Piitsch-  eller  Pferskentræet  allerede  i 
andet  eller  tredie  Aar.  Det  er  en  god  Forholdsregel,  at  man 
allerede  i  første  Aar  sørger  for  en  Frugthaves  Anlæg.  Unge 
Æbletræer  koste  3  a  6  Skilling  Stykket.  Af  vilde  Frugttræer 
vil  jeg  alene  nævne  Dverghasselen,  som  sjelden  er  høiere 
end  en  Mand,  og  den  sorte  Bringebærbusk,  som  allevegne  findes 
i  Mængde.  Illinois  mangler  tilstrækkelig  Skov  for  sine  store 
Prærier.  Hvert  Aar  afbrænder  Græsset  paa  Prærierne,  og 
derved  hindres  unge  Trærs  Fremvæxt.  Kun  langs  ved  Elvene 
findes  frugtbar  Skov.  Det  meste  Gavntømmer  er  Eeg,  dog 
findes  ogsaa  paa  sine  Steder  Ask,  Alm,  Valnødtræ,  Lind,  Asp, 
Sukkertræet  o.  f.  d.  Det  vanskeligste  er  at  finde  Skov  nok  til 
Gjerdesfang.  Paa  mange  Ste-[/>.  16]  der  har  man  derfor 
begyndt  at  gjærde  om  sin  Ager  med  Grøfte  og  Jordvolde, 
ligesom  ogsaa  at  plante  Blachlucas-Træet,  der  voxer  meget 
hurtigt  og  formerer  sig  stærkt  med  Rodskud.  Norske  Ind- 
vandrende  burde  medtage  noget  Frø  af  den  norske  Birk  og 
Furu.  For  den  sidste  gives  paa  sine  Steder  nok  af  sandagtig 
og  mager  Jord.  —  Indiana  og  Missouri  ere  bedre  forsynte  med 
Skov  end  Illinois. 

Paa  mange  Steder  i  disse  Stater  gives  Steenkul  og  Salt- 
kilder.  Paa  Grændsen  imellem  Illinois  og  Visconsin  Territorie 
gives  en  Mængde  Blyminer,  som  tilhøre  Regjeringen.  Hvad 
her  ellers  findes  af  Mineralier,  tilhører  udeelt  Jordeieren. 
Illinois  er  vel  forsynet  med  godt  Kildevand,  hvilket  Missouri 
tildeels  maa  savne. 

Sommeren  i  Illinois  er  meget  varmere  and  i  Norge.  Varmen 
i  Norge  kunde  paa  enkelte  Dage  være  ligesaa  stræng,  som  den 
nogensinde  er  i  Illinois  eller  Missouri ;  men  her  er  Veiret  mere 
klart  og  blankt.     Sjelden  regner  det  her  en  heel  Dag  til  Ende 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  43 

om  Sommeren,  men  naar  her  regner,  er  det  heftigt  og  almin- 
delig  ledsaget  af  Torden  og  Lynild.  Vinteren  varer  fra 
November  til  Enden  af  Marts,  da  Jorden  her  almindelig 
begynder  at  grønnes.  Februar  er  den  koldeste  Maaned.  Jeg 
har  hørt  mange  Norske  her  paastaae,  at  de  ikke  have  følt 
Kulden  værre  i  Norge  end  den  er  i  Amerika.  Ikke  destomindre 
er  det  almindeligt,  at  Kreaturerne  [p.  17]  gaae  ude  hele 
Vinteren,  og  Amerikanernes  Huse  ere  ikke  stort  bedre  end  en 
Lade  i  Norge. 

Prisen  paa  Regjeringsland  har  hidtil  været  i*4  Dollars  for 
Ækkeren,  hvad  enten  Jorden  har  været  af  bedste  Sort  eller  af 
ringere  Godhed.  Prisen  vil  nu  nedsættes  og  Jorden  inddeles 
i  tre  Klasser  efter  dens  forskjellige  Godhed,  hvorefter  ogsaa 
Prisen  vil  rette  sig.  Saaledes  har  jeg  hørt,  at  der  for  Jord 
af  tredie  Klasse  alene  skal  fordres  J/2  Daler  Ækkeren. 

En  Ækker  (Acre)  Land  er  omtrent  104  Alen  paa  hver 
Kant.  40  Ækker,  som  er  den  mindste  Lod,  der  kan  kjøbes  af 
Regjeringen,  er  660  Alen  paa  hver  Kant.  En  Lod  paa  80 
Ækker  er  1320  Alen  i  Nord  og  Syd,  og  660  Alen  i  Øst  og  Vest. 
Kjøber  man  to  80  Ækker-Lodder  ved  Siden  af  hinanden,  da 
har  man  160  Ækker  i  Qvadrat,  og  altsaa  1320  Alen  paa  hver 
Kant.  Ved  de  mindste  Lodder  maa  man  følge  de  Mærker,  som 
ere  satte  af  Regjeringen ;  men  det  er  tilladt  at  kjøbe  f.  Ex.  to  80 
Ækkerlodder  efter  hinanden  N.  og  S.  eller  endog  i  nogen 
Frastand  fra  hinanden.  En  Amerikansk  Miil  er  2640  Alen 
lang.  En  Sekt  i  en  (Section)  er  en  Qvadrat,  som  er  en  ameri- 
kansk Miil  paa  hver  Kant,  og  indeholder  otte  80  Ækker-lodder. 
En  Toun  (Town)  eller  et  Tounschip  (Township)  inde- 
holder 36  Sektien,  som  ere  ordnede  saaledes,  som  omstaaende 
Figur  viser: 


44  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

[p.  18] 

N 


V 


6 

5 

4 

3 

2 

1 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

18 

17 

16 

15 

14 

13 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

30 

29 

28 

27 

26 

25 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

0 


Sextende  Sektion  i  hvert  Tounschip  er  altid  Skoleland,  og 
er  Tounschippets  fælleds  Eiendom.  Naar  derfor  Tounschippet 
har  faaet  et  vist  Antal  Opsiddere  (Setlers),  ere  de  ved  Stem- 
mefleerhed  raadige  over  Skolelandets  Anvendelse. 

Af  Figuren  sees,  at  et  Tounschip  or  sex  Mile  paa  hver 
Kant.  Beliggenheden  af  en  Toun  eller  et  Tounship  bestemmes 
ved  to  Tal,  eet  for  Range  og  eet  for  Township.  Man  begynder 
nemlig  at  tælle  fra  et  Punkt  mod  N.  eller  S.  og  fra  et  andet 
mod  0.  eller  V.  For  hver  sjette  Miil  mod  N.  eller  S.  kommer 
et  nyt  Township,  og  for  hver  sjette  Miil  mod  0.  eller  V.  en  ny 
Range. 

Hvor  Landet  er  opmaalt  af  Regjeringen  findes  i  alle  Sektiens 
Hjørner  Mærker  og  No.  for  Range,  Township  og  Sektion. 
Naar  man  har  udfundet  [p.  ip]  disse  Mærker  for  det  Stykke 
Land,  man  vil  kjøbe,  saa  gaaer  man  i  "Landofficen," 
opgiver  hvilket  Stykke  man  vil  have  i  den  nævnte  Sektion, 
betaler  den  af  Regjeringen  fastsatte  priis,  og  modtager  uden 
særskilt  Betaling  sit  Certifikat  eller  Skjøde.  Skjødet  er  meget 
simpelt,  som  vil  sees  af  nedenstaaende 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  45 

Co  pie. 

Kassererens  Kontor  i  Daneville  Illinois. 

6te  Januar  1838. 
N°  7885. 

Modtaget  af  Ingbrigt  Nielson  Bredvig  of  Iroqvis  Co.  111. 

den  Sum  femti Dollars 

som  er  fuld  Betaling  for  N.  V.  h.  V.  Quarteer  af  Sektion  N° 

14 i  Township  N°  27   Nord af  Range  N°   13 

Vest indeholdende    40 Ækker    efter    1,25 

Dollars pr.  Ækker. 

5000  Dollars. 

Sand  M.  Roberts. 
Kasserer. 

Xaar  man  vil  kjøbe  Land  af  en  privat  Mand,  som  selv  før 
har  kjøbt  af  Regjeringen,  vil  Prisen  blive  fra  2  til  30  Daler 
for  Ækkeren.  Mange  Bedragere  give  sig  af  med  at  sælge 
Land,  som  de  ikke  eie,  hvorved  mange  Fremmede  ere  blevne 
bedragne.  Det  sikreste  og  billigste  er  at  kjøbe  af  Regjeringen 
og  ganske  kort  afvise  alle  Spekulanter,  der  ligesom  Rovdyr 
lure  paa  den  Fremmede. 

For  hvert  Aar  tilbyder  Regjeringen  kun  visse  Strækninger 
Land  til  Salg.  Hvad  der  ikke  endnu  [p.  20]  er  kommen  til 
Salg,  kan  man  dog  begynde  at  dyrke  og  beboe ;  thi  Rødnings- 
manden  har  den  første  Ret  til  at  kjøbe  Landet,  naar  det 
kommer  til  Salg.  Et  Stykke  Land,  som  man  paa  denne  Maade 
har  tilegnet  sig,  kaldes  her  en  Klæm  (Game).  At  kjøbe 
en  Klæm  vil  altsaa  sige  at  tilhandle  sig  Retten  til  at  kjøbe 
Landet  af  Regjeringen.  En  Klæm  er  altsaa  endnu  ingen  Eien- 
dom. Her  gives  mange  Spekulanter,  som  berige  sig  ved  at 
klærne  Land  og  sælge  deres  Klæmer  igjen. 

Priserne  paa  Kreaturer  og  Levnetsmidler  ere  høist  forskjel- 
lige. Her  ved  Be  verk  rik  koster  en  taalelig  god  Hest  50  a 
100  Daler;  et  Par  gode  Arbeidsoxer  50  a  80  Daler;  en  Fiir- 
hjulsvogn  60  a  80  Daler ;  en  Malkeko  med  Kalv  16  a  20  Daler ; 
en  Sau  2  a  3  Daler;  et  Middels  Sviin  6  a  10  Daler;  Flesk  305 


46  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

Skilling  Marken;  Smør  6  a  12  Skilling  Marken;  en  Tønde 
fineste  Hvedemeel  8  a  10  Daler;  en  Tønde  Kornmeel  (Meel 
af  Maiz)  2%  a  3  Daler;  en  Tønde  Potetes  1  Daler;  et  Pund 
Kaffe  20  Skilling ;  en  Tønde  Salt  5  Daler.  I  "  Viscounsin 
Territorie"  ere  Priserne  paa  enhver  Ting  2  a  3  Gange  høiere. 
10  norske  Mile  S.  for  os  og  i  Missouri  ere  Priserne  paa  de 
fleste  Ting  biligere  [sic] . 

Daglønnen  er  ogsaa  meget  forskjellig  paa  de  forskjellige 
Steder,  og  staaer  temmelig  nær  i  Forhold  til  Priserne  paa  andre 
Ting.  Heromkring  kan  [p.  21]  en  duelig  Arbeider  om  Vinter- 
en fortjene  fra  %  til  1  Daler  om  Dagen,  og  om  Sommeren 
næsten  det  Dobbelte.  Aarslønnen  er  fra  150  til  200  Daler.  En 
Tjenestepige  har  1  a  2  Daler  om  Ugen,  og  intet  Udarbeide 
undtagen  at  malke  Koerne.  I  Viscounsin  Territorie  er  Dag- 
lønnen 3^5  Daler ;  i  Nyorleans  og  Texas  er  den  ogsaa  meget 
høi,  men  i  Missouri  er  den  igjen  mindre.  —  Her  ved  Beverkrik 
kunne  vi  nu  faae  Folk  til  at  brække  Prærie  for  os  for  to  Daler 
Ækkeren,  naar  vi  alene  holde  dem  med  Kosten.  Til  at 
indgjærde  10  Ækker  med  det  simpleste  Slags  Gjærde  regner 
man  2000  Reels  eller  Skier.  1  middels  Skov  kan  en  duelig 
Arbeider  splitte  100  a  150  Reels  om  Dagen.  For  Splitningen 
af  100  Reels  tåges  %  a  1  Daler.  Til  at  indgjærde  40  Ækker 
behøves  4000  Reels,  og  til  160  Ækker  8000  Reels ;  alt  beregnet 
efter  det  simpleste  Slags  Gjærde. 

7.  Hvad  Slags  Religion  er  der  i  Amerika?  Er  der  nogen  Slags 

Orden  og  Regjering  i  Landet,  eller  kan  Enhver 

gjøre  hvad  han  lyster? 

Det  var  en  almindelig  Tro  blandt  Menigmand  i  Norge,  at 
der  i  Amerika  er  et  reent  Hedenskab,  eller  endnu  værre,  at  der 
ikke  er  nogen  Religion,  [p.  22]  Dette  forholder  sig  ikke 
saaledes.  Her  kan  Enhver  have  sin  egen  Tro  og  dyrke  Gud 
paa  den  Maade,  som  han  anseer  for  den  rette ;  men  han  tør  ikke 
forfølge  Nogen,  fordi  han  har  en  anden  Tro.  Regjeringen  her 
antager,  at  en  tvungen  Tro  er  ingen  Tro,  og  at  det  bedst  vil 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  47 

vise  sig,  hvo  der  har  Religion  eller  ikke,  naar  der  er  fuldkom- 
men  Religionsfrihed. 

Den  christelige  Religion  er  den  almindelige  i  Amer- 
ika; men  formedelst  Religionslærernes  Selvklogskab  og  Paa- 
staaelighed  i  Smaating  gives  her  mangfoldige  Sekter,  som  dog 
i  Hovedsagen  ere  enige.  Saaledes  hører  man  her  tale  om 
Katholiker,  Protestanter,  Lutheraner,  Calvinister,  Presbyteri- 
aner,  Baptister,  Qvækere,  Methodister  o.  m.  fl.  Ogsaa  blandt 
de  Norske  her  gives  forskjellige  Sekter;  men  Præster  eller 
Kirker  have  de  ikke  endnu.  Enhver  Mand,  som  mener  det 
noget  alvorligt,  holder  sin  Andagt  hjemme  i  sit  Huus  eller  i 
Forening  med  sine  Naboer. 

Jeg  har  alt  fortalt,  at  de  forenede  Stater  ikke  have  nogen 
Konge.  Ikke  destomindre  er  her  altid  en  Mand,  som  har 
omtrent  en  Konges  Myndighed.  Denne  Mand  vælges  alene 
paa  fire  Aar,  og  kaldes  Præsident.  Den  lovgivende  Magt  i 
Sager,  som  angaae  alle  de  Forenede  Stater  under  Fet,  er  hos 
Kongressen,  som  bestaaer  of  Mænd,  der  ere  udvalgte  af  de 
forskjellige  Stater.  De  forskjellige  Sta-[/>.  <?j]ter  have  hver 
sin  egen  Regjering  ligesom  Norge  og  Sverige,  men  den  fælleds 
Kongres,  det  fælleds  Sprog  og  et  fælleds  Pengevæsen  forener 
dem  nøiere.    Antallet  af  de  Forende  Stater  er  nu  27. 

Til  Trøst  for  den  Kleinmodige  kan  jeg  altsaa  med  Sandhed 
forsikre,  at  her  ere  Love,  Regjering  og  Øvrighed  ligesaavel 
som  i  Norge.  Men  Alt  er  her  beregnet  paa  at  haandhæve  Men- 
neskets naturlige  Frihed  og  Lighed.  I  den  første  Henseende 
staaer  det  Enhver  frit  for  at  drive  hvilkensomhelst  redelig 
Næringsvei,  og  at  reise  hvor  han  vil  uden  at  spørges  om  Pas 
og  uden  at  visiteres  af  Toldbetjente.  Kun  den  virkelige  For- 
bryder  trues  a  f  Loven  med  Straf. 

I  Skrifter,  som  alene  søge  at  finde  Noget,  som  de  kunne 
laste  i  Amerika,  har  jeg  læst,  at  Amerikaneren  er  troløs, 
bedragerisk,  haardhj ertet  o.  s.  v.  Jeg  vil  aldrig  nægte,  at  her 
findes  saadanne  Folk  i  Amerika,  saavel  som  paa  andre  Steder, 
og  at  den  Fremmede  aldrig  kan  være  forsigtig  nok;  men  jeg 


48  R Y XXIX G' S  A CCO  UNT  OF  AMERICA 

har  befundet,  at  Amerikaneren  i  Almindelighed  er  bedre  at 
omgaaes  end  den  Xorske,  føieligere,  tjenstagtigere  og  tro- 
værdigere  i  Eet  og  Alt.  Det  samme  have  de  ældste  Xorske 
her  forsikret  mig.  Da  her  er  saa  let  at  ernære  sig  paa  en 
redelig  Maade,  ere  Tyverier  og  Indbrud  her  næsten  en  uhørt 
Ting. 

En  styg  Modsætning  til  hiin  Frihed  og  Lighed,  som  medrette 
udgør  Amerikanernes  Stolthed,  er  den  [/>.  24]  skjændige 
Slavehandel,  som  endnu  taales  og  drives  i  de  sydlige 
Stater.  Her  gives  nemlig  en  Race  af  sorte  Mennesker  med 
uldagtigt  Haar  paa  Hovedet,  som  kaldes  Xegere,  og  ere 
først  førte  hid  fra  Afrika,  som  er  deres  oprindelige  Fædreland. 
I  de  sydlige  Stater  kjøbes  og  sælges  disse  stakkels  Mennesker 
ligesom  anden  Eiendom,  og  drives  til  Arbeide  med  Pidsk  eller 
Svøbe  ligesom  Heste  eller  Oxer.  Om  en  Herre  pidsker  sin 
Slave  til  Døde  eller  i  Raseri  skyder  ham  ihjel,  ansees  han  ikke 
derfor  som  en  Morder.  De  Børn,  som  fødes  af  en  Xegerinde, 
ere  fra  Fødselen  af  Slaver,  om  endog  en  Hvid  er  deres 
Fader. — I  Missouri  er  Slavehandelen  endnu  tilladt;  men  i 
Indiana,  Illinois  og  Viscounsin  Territory  er  den  strengelig 
forbuden  og  afskyet.  De  nordlige  Stater  arbeide  ved  hver 
Kongres  paa  at  faae  Slavehandelen  a  f  skaffet  i  de  sydlige 
Stater;  men  da  disse  altid  modsætte  sig,  og  beraabe  sig  paa 
deres  Ret  til  selv  at  ordne  deres  indre  Anliggender,  vil  der 
sandsynligviis  snart  blive  enten  Skilsmisse  mellem  de  nordlige 
og  sydlige  Stater,  eller  ogsaa  blodige  indvortes  Stridigheder. 

Skatterne  i  Amerika  ere  meget  lave.  Jeg  har  kun  hørt 
tale  om  to  Slags  Skatter  her,  nemlig:  Landskat  og  Formues- 
skat. I  de  første  fem  Aar,  efterat  Jorden  er  kjøbt  af  Regjerin- 
gen, betales  ingen  Landskat.  Formuesskatten  udgjør  %  Daler 
af  hvert  Hundrede,  man  eier  i  Penge  eller  Løsøre,  [p.  25] 
Enhver  Mandsperson  over  21  Aar  skylder  Staten  fire  Dages 
Veiarbeide  aarlig. 

I  Tilfælde  af  Ufred  er  enhver  Mand  pligtig  at  værne  om  sit 
Fædreland.  I  Fredstider  er  man  her  fri  for  at  udskrives  til 
Soldat. 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  49 

8.  Hvordan  er  der  sørget  for  Børnelærdommen  og 
for  de  Fattige? 

Det  er  allerede  omtalt,  at  den  sextende  Sektion  i  hvert  Town- 
ship er  udlagt  til  Skoleland,  og  at  Townshippets  Indbyggere 
selv  ere  raadige  over  dets  Anvendelse.  Forresten  er  Skole- 
væsenet  her  frit,  ligesom  enhver  anden  Ting,  men  deraf 
følger  ingenlunde  Ligegyldighed  for  Børnenes  Underviisning. 
Amerikaneren  indseer  meget  godt,  hvilket  Fortrin  den  dannede 
Mand  har  fremfor  den  uvidende,  og  han  sparer  Intet  paa  sine 
Børns  Underviisning  og  Dannelse.  Ikke  destomindre  har  jeg 
dog  her  truffet  enkelte  aldrende  Mænd,  som  hverken  kunde 
læse  eller  skrive.  Blandt  de  Norske  ved  Foxriver  er  der  nu 
oprettet  to  Skoler,  hvor  Børaene  lære  engelsk,  men  det  norske 
Sprog  synes  der  at  ville  uddøe  med  Fcrældrene.  Idetmindste 
lære  Børnene  ikke  at  læse  Norsk.  Ved  Beverkrik  er  endnu 
ingen  Skole  opret-[/>.  26]  tet,  men  de  fleste  Børa,  som  ere  gamle 
nok,  ere  komne  i  amerikanske  Huse,  hvor  der  almindelig 
sørges  godt  for  deres  Underviisning. 

I  denne  Stat  har  jeg  endnu  ikke  seet  en  Tigger.  Den 
Arbeidsdygtige  er  her  hævet  over  Fattigdom  og  Armod.  For 
virkelig  Trængende  er  her  sørget  ved  et  ypperligt  Fattigvæsen. 
Om  en  Enke  bliver  siddende  i  trange  Kaar,  saa  rives  ikke 
Børaene  fra  Moderen  og  lægges  paa  Lægd  som  i  Norge ;  men 
der  gives  Moderen  rigelig  Understøttelse  til  hendes  egen  og 
Børnenes  Underholdning  og  de  sidstes  Skolegang. 

9.  Hvilket  Sprog  tales  i  Amerika?  Er  det  vanskeligt  at  lære? 

Da  der  fra  alle  Europas  Lande  strømme  saa  mange  Men- 
nesker til  de  Forenede  Stater,  maa  man  vente  der  at  finde 
ligesaa  mange  forskjellige  Sprog.  Imidlertid  er  det  engel- 
ske Sprog  overalt  det  herskende. 

Ubekjendtskab  med  Sproget  er  vistnok  en  slem  Ting  for  de 
norske  Indvandrende.  Især  føler  man  dette  paa  Reisen  ind 
igjennem  Landet,  dersom  man  ikke  har  Nogen  i  Følget,  der 
forstaaer  Engelsk.     Men  paa  to  a  tre  Maaneder  vil  man  ved 


50  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

daglig  Omgang  [p.  2/]  med  Amerikanerne  lære  saa  meget,  at 
man  hjælper  sig  godt.  Nogle  halvvoxne  Børn,  som  kom  over 
sidste  Sommer,  tale  allerede  meget  godt  Engelsk.  Førend  man 
har  lært  Sproget  nogenlunde,  maa  man  ikke  vente  at  faae  saa 
stor  Dagløn  eller  Aarsløn,  som  de  indfødte  Amerikanere. 

io.  Er  det  farligt  med  Hensyn  til  Sygdomme  i  Amerika?  Har 
man  noget  at  befrygte  for  vilde  Dyr  eller  af  Indianerne? 

Det  er  en  Sandhed,  som  jeg  ikke  vil  fordølge,  at  det  uvante 
Klimat  her  almindelig  foraarsager  Nybyggerne  en  eller 
anden  Sygelighed  i  det  første  Aar.  Diarrhee  eller 
Koldfeber  hjemsdger  da  næsten  Alle ;  men  ved  ordentlig 
Diæt  ere  disse  Sygdomme  sjælden  farlige,  og  Naturen  hjælper 
sig  bedst  selv  uden  Medicin.  Kolden  kommer  sjælden  igjen, 
naar  man  ikke  har  fordrevet  den  ved  medicinsk  Forkvaklen. 

I  denne  Deel  af  Landet  gives  ingen  farlige  Rovdyr.  Prærie- 
ulven  ere  ikke  større  end  en  Ræv,  men  dog  forsaavidt  skadelig, 
at  den  ofte  ødelægger  Sviin,  Lam  og  Høns.  Her  er  en 
Mængde  Slanger,  men  smaae,  og  faa  af  dem  ere  giftige. 
Den  giftigste  Art  er  Klapperslangen  ;  men  selv  denne 
[p.  28]  er  langtfra  saa  giftig,  som  man  troer  i  Norge.  Jeg 
veed  to  Exempler  paa,  at  Mennesker  ere  bidte  af  Klapper- 
slanger, og  begge  Gange  bleve  Patienterne  kurerede  med  simple 
Huusmidler.  Allevegne,  hvor  Klapperslangen  findes,  voxer 
ogsaa  et  Slags  Græs,  som  almindelig  ansees  for  den  bedste 
Modgift  mod  dens  Bid.  En  af  de  ældste  Norske  her  har  fortalt 
mig,  at  ham  engang  blev  bidt  af  en  Klapperslange,  og  at  han 
fandt  Paalæggelsen  af  tdr  Kampher  at  være  det  virksomste 
Middel  til  at  fordrive  Hævelsen. 

Indianerne  ere  nu  transporterede  langt  mod  V.  bort  fra 
disse  Grændser.  Ingensteds  i  Illinois  er  man  længer  udsat  for 
Overfald  af  dem.  Desuden  ere  disse  Folk  meget  godmodige  og 
begynde  aldrig  Fiendtligheder,  naar  de  ikke  ere  fornærmede. 
Qvækerne,  som  de  kalde  Fader  Penns  Børn,  tilføie  de 
aldrig  noget  Ondt. 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  51 

11.  For  hvad  Slags  Folk  er  det  raadelight  at  reise  til  Amerika, 

og  for  hvem  er  det  ikke  raadeligt?  —  Advarsel 

imod  urimelige  Forventninger. 

Efter  Alt,  hvad  jeg  hidtil  har  erfaret,  vil  den  arbeidsomme 
norske  Bonde  eller  Haandværksmand  [p.  29]  ligesom  ogsaa 
den  ordentlige  Handelskart  snart  erhverve  sig  saa  Meget  i 
Amerika,  at  han  vil  finde  tilstrækkeligt  Udkomme.  Jeg  har 
allerede  omtalt  Prisen  paa  Regjeringsland,  og  vil  endnu  blot 
tilføie,  at  jeg  kjender  flere  Ungkarle,  som  ved  almindeligt 
Arbeide  her  have  lagt  sig  reent  til  Bedste  200  Daler  paa  et 
Aars  Tid.  Smede  spørges  her  efter  allevegne.  En  Smed,  som 
forstaaer  sit  Haandværk,  kan  sikkert  gjøre  Regning  paa,  at 
hans  Naboer,  hvor  han  nedsætter  sig,  ville  hjælpe  ham  med 
at  bygge  hans  Huus  og  Smedie,  ja  endog  laane  ham  Penge  til 
at  anskaffe  Vælg  og  Værktøi.  For  at  skoe  en  Hest  rundt  tåges 
her  to  Daler  og  Mere,  for  en  Jernkile  1  Daler,  for  en  Høgaffel 
1  Daler  o.  s.  v.  Gode  Skræddere  ville  ogsaa  have  stadig  og  god 
Fortjeneste,  og  dernæst  Skomageren;  men  disse  maa  lære  om 
igjen;  thi  Skosaalerne  blive  her  pindede  istedetfor  at  syes  fast. 
Dreiere,  Snedkere  og  Vognmagere  kunne  ogsaa  godt  leve  af 
deres  Haandværker.  En  rask  og  ordentlig  Handelskarl  kan 
inden  kort  Tid  blive  en  rig1  Mand ;  men  han  faaer  ikke  være 
bange  for  at  slide  noget  Ondt  og  kampere  ude 
Nat  efter  Nat.  —  Tjenestepiger  kunne  let  faae  Arbeide 
og  have  det  meget  godt.  Fruentimmerne  agtes  og  æres  langt 
mere  her,  end  det  er  almindeligt  blandt  Menigmand  i  Norge. 
Saavidt  mig  bekjendt,  ere  kun  to  eller  tre  norske  Piger  blevne 
gifte  med  Amerikanere,  og  jeg  troer  [p.  30]  ikke,  at  de  have 
gjort  noget  synderlig  godt  Parti.  Men  her  ere  mange  norske 
Ungkarle,  som  helst  vilde  gifte  sig  med  norske  Piger,  om  de 
kunde. 

De,  som  fatte  Lyst  til  at  udvandre  til  Amerika,  bør  ogsaa 
nøie  overveie,  om  de  have  de  nødvendige  Midler  til  at 
koste  sig  did.  Jeg  vil  ikke  raade  Nogen  at  reise,  som  ikke  har 
idetmindste  nogle  Daler  i  Behold,  naar  han  betræder  ameri- 


52  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

kansk  Jordbund.  Naar  unge  Folk  have  saa  meget,  at  de  kunne 
bekoste  sig  fra  Ny j  ork  til  Rochester,  da  vil  jeg  troe,  at 
de  ere  i  Behold.  Dertil  vil  gaae  omtrent  4  a  5  Daler.  De,  som 
have  store  Familier,  bør  have  saameget  i  Behold,  at  de  kunne 
koste  sig  lige  til  Illinois,  hvor  Jorden  er  billig,  og  hvor  der 
er  Arbeide  nok  at  faae  for  høi  Dagløn.  Fra  Norge  til  Illinois 
maa  man  beregne,  at  der  vil  medgaae  omtrent  60  Daler  for 
hver  Voxen,  foruden  Kostholdet  over  Søen.  Dersom  man 
gaaer  paa  norske  Skibe,  da  maa  man  paa  Søen  betale  ligesaa 
meget  for  Børn,  som  for  Voxne.  Altsaa  kan  man  beregne,  at 
der  for  Børn  mellem  2  og  12  Aar  vil  medgaae  i  det  Hele  45 
D.  og  for  Børn  under  2  Aar  30  Daler.  —  De,  som  ikke  have 
Formue  til  selv  at  bekoste  sig  frem,  kunne  tåge  Tjeneste  hos  en 
mere  Formuende,  og  forpligte  sig  til  at  tjene  ham  f.  Ex.  3  Aar 
for  50  Daler  Aaret.  Hermed  ville  begge  Parter  være  vel 
tjente.  Den,  som  saaledes  vil  betale  Overreisen  for  Andre, 
maa  see  sig  vel  [p.  jj]  for,  at  han  ikke  blotter  sig  selv  for- 
meget, og  at  han  ikke  medtager  slette  eller  uduelige  Folk.  En 
Tjener,  som  paa  denne  Maade  er  kommen  over  til  Amerika, 
bør  sammenligne  sin  Løn  og  sine  Udsigter  her  med  hvad  han 
havde  i  Norge  og  derved  bevæges  til  at  opfylde  den  indgangne 
Forpligtelse ;  thi  intet  andet  Baand  paaligger  ham  her,  end 
det,  som  egen  Retskaffenhed  paalægger  ham. 

Folk,  som  jeg  ikke  vil  raade  at  reise  til  Amerika,  ere:  1) 
Drankere;  de  ville  her  af skyes  og  snart  ynkelig  omkomme, 
2)  De,  som  hverken  kunne  arbeide  eller  have 
Penge  til  at  udføre  Spekulationer.  Hertil  udf or- 
dres dog  ikke  mere  for  en  enkelt  Person,  end  400  a  500  Daler. 
Af  den  studerende  Klasse  er  her  bedst  Empløi  for 
Doktorer  og  Apothekere;  men  selv  saadanne  vil  jeg  ikke  raade 
at  reise,  medmindre  de  idetmindste  forstaae  at  bruge  Øxen, 
eller  have  lært  et  Haandværk,  f.  Ex.  Skrædderhaandværket. 

Mange  reise  till  Amerika,  med  saa  urimelige  Forventninger 
og  Forestillinger,  at  de  nødvendigt  maae  fmde  sig  skuffede. 
Den    første    Anstødsteen,    Ubekjendtskab    med    Sproget,    er 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  53 

allerede  nok  til  at  nedslaae  Modet  hos  Mange.  Den,  som 
ikke  kan  eller  vil  arbeide,  maa  aldrig  vente,  at 
Rigdomme  og  Vellevnet  her  staae  aabne  for 
ham.  Nei,  i  Amerika  faaer  man  Intet  uden 
Arbeide;  men  sandt  er  det,  at  man  [p.  32]  ved 
Arbeide  her  kan  vente  engang  at  komme  i 
bedre  Kaar.  Mange  af  de  Nykomne  have  stødt  sig 
over  de  usle  Hytter,  som  ere  Nybyggernes  første  Boliger ;  men 
de  gode  Folk  skulde  dog  betænke,  at  de  ved  at  flytte  ind  i  et 
udyrket  Land  ikke  kunne  finde  Huse  færdige  for  dem.  Førend 
man  har  sat  sin  Jord  i  saadan  Stand,  at  den  kan  føde  sin  Mand, 
er  det  neppe  klogt  at  lægge  sin  Formue  i  kostbare  Huusbyg- 
ninger. 

12.  Hvilke  Farer  kunne  især  møde  paa  Havet?    Er  det  sandt, 

at  de,  som  føres  til  Amerika,  blive  solgte  som  Slaver. 

Mange  ansee  Reisen  over  Havet  saa  forfærdelig  farlig,  at 
denne  ene  Forestilling  er  nok  til  at  fængsle  dem  for  stedse 
til  deres  Fædreland.  Vist  er  det,  at  Landjorden  er  tryggere 
end  Søen;  men  almindelig  forestiller  man  sig  Farerne  større, 
end  de  virkelig  ere.  Saavidt  mig  bekjendt,  er  endnu  intet 
Skib  med  norske  Udvandrende  til  Amerika  forulykket.  Naar 
man  har  at  godt  Skib,  en  duelig  Kapitain  og  flinke,  ordentlige 
og  paapasselige  Søfolk,  saa  faaer  man  forresten  slaae  sin  Lid 
til  Herren.  Han  kan  føre  dig  sikkert  over  det  stormende  Hav, 
[P-  33~\  °g  nan  kan  finde  dig  i  dit  trygge  Hjem,  naar  hans 
Time  er  kommen ! 

To  Ting  ere  en  slem  Plage  paa  Søen,  nemlig  Søsyge  og 
Kjedsomhed.  Mod  Søsygen  troer  jeg  ikke  der  gives  noget 
probat  Middel ;  men  den  er  ingen  dødelig  Sygdom.  Smaa  Børn 
lide  mindst  af  den.  Fruentimmere,  fornemmelig  middelal- 
drende Koner,  udstaae  ofte  A  leget  af  Søsyge.  Det  eneste  lin- 
drende Middel,  jeg  kjender,  er,  at  være  forsynet  med  for- 
skjellig Slags  Al  ad  til  A  f  ve  xl  ing.  Især  har  jeg 
mærket,  et  en  god  Viinsuppe  ofte  er  styrkende  og  lindrende  i 


54  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

denne  Sygdom.  —  Mod  Kjedsomhed  maa  man  væbne  sig  ved 
at  medtage  gode  Bøger,  og  noget  at  arbeide  paa.  I  denne 
Hensigt  vil  jeg  ogsaa  raade  til  at  medtage  Harpuner  og 
andre    Fiskeredskaber. 

Et  taabeligt  Rygte  troedes  af  Mange  i  Norge ;  nemlig  at  de, 
som  vilde  udvandre  til  Amerika,  bleve  førte  til  Tyrkiet,  og 
solgte  som  Slaver.  Dette  Rygte  er  aldeles  grundløst.  Derimod 
er  det  sandt,  at  mange,  som  ikke  selv  kunde  bekoste  sig  over 
Søen,  alene  paa  den  Maade  ere  komne  over,  at  de  have  solgt 
sig  selv  eller  deres  Tjeneste  paa  visse  Aar  til  en  Mand  her  i 
Landet.  Mange  skulle  derved  være  komne  i  slette  Hænder,  og 
have  ikke  havt  det  bedre  end  Slaver.  Ingen  Norsk  er,  saavidt 
mig  bekjendt  *),  [p.  34]  kommen  i  saadanne  Omstændigheder, 
heller  ikke  er  det  at  befrygte,  naar  man  gaaer  med  norske 
Skibe  og  sine  egne  Landsmænd. 

13.  Veiledende  Raad  for  dem,  som  ville  reise  til  Amerika. 

Naar  kun  enkelte  Personer  ville  udvandre  til  Amerika,  kunne 
de  ikke  vente  at  træffe  Skibsleilighed  did  direkte  fra  Norge, 
saasom  dette  Land  ikke  har  nogen  Kommerce  med  de  Forenede 
Stater.  De  maae  derfor  gaae  enten  til  Gøtheborg*)  i 
Sverige,  eller  Bremen  i  Tydskland,  eller  Havre  i  Frank- 
rige. Fra  alle  disse  Steder  gaaer  hyppig  Skibsleilighed  til  de 
Forenede  Stater,  og  Fragten  er  almindelig  billigere  end  ifra 
Norge.  Alen  naar  Flere  paa  een  Gang  ville  udvandre,  vil  jeg 
helst  raade  dem  at  gaae  paa  norske  Skibe  og  med  norske 
Søfolk,  da  de  derved  ville  føle  sig  selv  sikrere.  I  [/>.  55]  denne 
Henseende  er  det  ogsaa  bedst  at  gaae  med  en  Kapitain,  som 
har   været   i  Amerika  tilforn,   f.    Ex.    Kapitain   B  e  h  r  e  n  s   i 

*)  [P-  33]  Alle  Norske,  som  have  været  i  længere  Tid  i  Amerika,  og 
som  have  været  ordentlige  og  arbeidsomme,  have  [p.  34]  kommet  sig 
godt.  Mange  ere  komne  over  saaledes,  at  andre  Norske  have  betalt  for 
dem,  men  derfor  have  de  ligemeget  været  deres  egne  Herrer.  Efter  en 
kort  Tid   have   de   almindelig   oparbeidet   deres   Gjæld. 

*)  [/>•  34]  Nogle  Ungkarle  fra  Nummedal  gik  sidste  Sommer  fra  Gøthe- 
borg til  Newport  paa  Rhode  Island.  De  vare  kun  32  Dage  over  Søen,  og 
rose  meget   deres   Kapitain   Rønneberg. 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  55 

Bergen,  hvem  jeg  kan  anbefale  som  en  duelig  Mand,  eller  en  af 
de  Kapitainer,  som  have  ført  Passagererne  fra  Stavanger  til 
Nyjork. 

Naar  altsaa  Flere  paa  een  Gang  ville  udvandre,  maae  de 
henvende  sig  til  en  Mægler  i  nærmeste  Søstad,  der  vil  hjælpe 
dem  til  at  akkordere  den  billigste  Fragt.  De  maae  nøie  ud- 
forske,  om  Skibet  er  en  god  Seiler  og  i  god  Stand.  —  Til 
Efterretning  angaaende  Akkorden  bemærkes,  at  Fragten  paa 
norske  Skibe  hidtil  har  været  30  Spd.  —  for  Børn,  saavelsom 
for  Voxne.  Fra  andre  Landes  Havne  pleier  Fragten  for 
Voxne  at  være  mindre,  stundom  kun  20  Daler;  og  for  Børn 
under  12  Aar  enten  det  Halve  eller  Intet. 

Certepartiet,  eller  den  skrevne  Kontrakt,  bør  være 
saa  nøiagtigt  og  omstændeligt,  som  muligt.  Det  bør  være 
skrevet  baade  paa  Engelsk  og  Norsk.  Nogle  enkelte  Bestem- 
melser, som  ikke  bør  udelades,  vil  jeg  her  nævne,  nemlig:  a) 
Kapitainen  (eller  Rederiet)  sørger  for  Veed  og  Vand 
for  12  Uger.  Våndet  leveres  paa  gode  Fade,  hvor  det  ikke 
bedærves,  og  tilmaales  hver  Passageer  3  Potter  daglig.  Der- 
som Våndet  paa  enkelte  Fade  bedærves,  skal  det  gode  Vand 
forbruges,  førend  man  begynder  med  det  slette,  og  skal 
Kapitainen  for  sit  eget  [/>.  jd]  Brug  tåge  Vand  af  samme  Fad 
som  Passagererne.  b)  Forresten  holde  Passagererne  sig  selv 
med  Proviant,  men  Kapitainen  skal  paasee,  at  enhver 
medtager  tilstrækkelig  Proviant  for  12  Uger. 
Passagererne  holde  sig  ogsaa  selv  med  Lys.  c)  For  den 
akkorderede  Sum  bringer  Kapitainen  Passagererne  i  Land 
paa  det  bestemte  Sted,  uden  nogen  ny  Udgift * )  for 
dem,  enten  under  Navn  af  Landingspenge.  Qvarantainepenge, 
Korporationspenge,  Drikkepenge  eller  andet  deslige.  b)  Frag- 
ten betales  forud  mod  Qvittering,  som  er  skreven  baade  paa 
Engelsk  og  paa  Norsk.     Dersom  Kapitainen  paa  egen  Resiko 

*)  [P-  36]  Denne  Bestemmelse  er  ganske  nødvendig;  thi  ellers  kunde  en 
slet  Kapitain  under  eet  eller  andet  Paaskud  fordre  et  nyt  Udlæg  af  Pas- 
sagererne, og  ved  sin  Myndighed  og  deres  Uvidenhed  og  Ubekjendtskab 
med  Sproget,  tvinge  dem  til  at  betale. 


56  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

medtager  Nogen,  som  ikke  har  betalt  den  akkorderede  Sum 
fuldtud,  da  har  han  ikke  mere  Ret  at  kræve  ham,  saasnart  han 
har  modtaget  ham  og  hans  Tøi  ombord —  (Ved  denne  sidste 
Bestemmelse  sikres  man  for,  at  Kapitainen  medtager  Nogen, 
som  formedelst  sin  Fattigdom  enten  vil  ligge  de  Øvrige  til 
Byrde,  eller  overlades  til  Kapitainens  Vilkaarlighed). 

Jeg  vil  raade  Enhver,  som  gaaer  til  Amerika,  at  omvexle 
sine  Penge  i  Sølv  og  Guid,  og  ikke  tåge  Vexel. — 
Spanske  Pjastere  ere  lige  gjældende  [p.  37]  med  amerikanske 
Dollars,  men  franske  Femfranks  ere  6  Cents  mindre.  En 
amerikansk  Dollar  indeholder  100  Cents  og  hver  Cents  er  saa 
meget  som  en  Skilling  norsk.  En  Shilling  indeholder  12 
Pence,  eller  12%  Cents.  Her  gives  Sølvpenge,  som  gjælde  for 
V2,  V±,  Vs,  /4o,  Vie,  V20  Dollar.  I  Illinois  er  den  mindste 
gangbare  Hynt  =  6Vi  Cents.  Al  Slags  Sølv  =  eller  Guld- 
penge  gaae  i  Amerika  ;norske  Sølvpenge,  som  er  mindre 
end  V2  Daler,  afsættes  endog  med  betydelig  Fordeel. 

Den  bedste  Tid  at  forlade  Norge  er,  saa  tidlig  om  Vaaren, 
at  man  kan  naae  did,  hvor  man  vil  nedsætte  sig,  inden  Mid- 
sommer, eller  kort  efter  den  Tid.  Derved  kan  man  endda  faae 
saae  Noget  samme  Aar ;  nemlig  Boghvede,  som  saaes  i  de 
sidste  Dage  af  Juni,  Næper  (Turnips),  som  saaes  i  Slutnin- 
gen af  Juli,  og  Potetes.  Det  er  meget  slemt  at  komme  saa  seent 
paa  Aaret,  at  man  ikke  kan  samle  Foder  for  en  a  to  Køer  og 
bygge  sig  et  Huus  for  Vinteren. 

Den  bedste  Vei  troer  jeg  er  at  gaae  over  Ny j ork,  ligesom  de 
fleste  andre  Indvandrende.  Det  er  vel  billigere  og  snarere  at 
gaae  over  Nyorleans ;  men  der  er  for  varmt  og  usundt  om 
Sommeren,  og  paa  nogen  anden  Tid  af  Aaret  er  det  ikke 
raadeligt  at  indvandre  til  et  udyrket  Land  uden  Huse.  Ogsaa 
maa  jeg  bemærke,  at  Nyorleans  er  bek j endt  for  at  indeholde 
de  sletteste  Folk  i  de  Forenede  Stater.39 

[p.  38]  De,  som  ville  udvandre  til  Amerika,  bør  medtage,  a) 
Sengeklæder,  Skind-og  Vadmelsklæder,  samt  stampet  Vad- 

39  This  paragraph  does  not  appear  in  the  1839  version  of  Rynning's 
chapter  13  as  printed  in  Anderson,  Student  Ole  Rynnings  Amerikabog.     In 


ORIGINAL  NORWEGIAN  TEXT  57 

mel,  b)  en  Baxtehelle,  en  Rok,  om  muligt  en  Haandqværn, 
Sølvtøi  og  nogle  Tobakspiber  til  Salg.  c)  En  Haandværker 
bør  medtage  sit  Værktøi.  d)  Xogle  gode  Rifler  med  Per- 
kussionslaas,  deels  for  eget  Brug,  deels  til  Salg.  Jeg  har  alt 
fortalt,  at  en  god  Rifle  her  koster  15  a  20  Daler. 

Til  Proviant  over  Søen  bør  medtages  Xoget  af  hvert 
Slags  Madvarer,  der  holder  sig  længe  uden  at  bedærves.  Flesk, 
Spegekjød,  saltet  Kjød,  Spegesild,  røget  Sild,  Tørfisk,  Smør, 
Ost,  Primost  (Møsmør),  Melk,  01,  Meel,  Ærter,  Gryn, 
Potetes,  Rugskonrokker,  Kaffe,  The,  Sukker,  Gryde,  Pande 
og  Kjedel  bør  man  have  med.  Hvad  man  ikke  forbruger  over 
Søen,    gjør    man    rettest    i    at    tåge    med    sig    op 

its  place,  however,  appear  several  paragraphs  not  in  the  original  edition  of 
1838.  These  paragraphs,  drawn  from  the  Anderson  reprint  (52-54),  are 
as  follows : 

Hidtil  have  de  norske  Indvandrende  altid  søgt  Skibsleilighed  til  Nyjork. 
Derfra  til  Chicago  i  Illinois  er  den  mindst  bekostelige  Vei  at  gaae  paa, 
Dampbaad  opad  Hudsonsriver  til  Albany ;  fra  Albany  til  Buffalo  paa 
Kanalbaad,  som  træk  kes  af  Heste;  fra  Buffalo  paa  Dampbaad  over 
Erie,  St.  Clair,  Huron  og  Michigan  Søerne  til  Chicago.  Herfra  gaaer 
Veien  over  Land  enten  mod  Syd  til  Biverkrik,  eller  mod  Vest  til  Foxriver. 
Fra  Nyjork  til  Buffalo  kan  man  akkordere  sig  Fragten  for  3  a  4  Daler 
med  sit  Tøl ;  og  fra  Buffalo  til  Chicago  for  9  a  12  Daler.  Fra  Chicago 
til  Biverkrik  forlange  Kjørere  fra  Wabash  almindelig  1  Daler  for  hvert 
hundrede  Pund.  Enhver  Kontrakt  med  Dampbaadkompagnier  eller 
Kjørere  bør  ske  skriftlig  og  med  den  muligste  Nøiagtighed,  om  man  ikke 
vil  bedrages.  For  Sikkerheds  Skyld  bør  man  beregne,  at  omtrent  30  Daler 
ville  medgaae  for  hver  Voxen  fra  Nyjork  til  Biverkrik  eller  Foxriver. 
For  Børn  mellem  2  og  12  Aar  betales  her  altid  det  Halve  og  for  Børn 
under  2  Aar,  eller  som  endnu  bæres  paa  Armen,  Intet.  Den  nævnte  Vei 
fra  Nyjork  til  Biverkrik  vil  jeg  anslaae  omtrent  til  halvtrediehundrede 
norske  Mile. 

En  af  dem,  som  ankom  her  sidste  Hdst,  fulgte  ikke  Dampbaaden  fra 
Buffalo  længer  end  til  Toledo  ved  Erie  Sø.  Her  kjøbte  han  Hest  og 
Vogn,  og  transporterede  selv  sit  Tdi  til  Biverkrik.  Paa  denne  Maade  kom 
han  temmelig  billigt  frem  med  sin  store  Familie,  men  var  ogsaa  en  god 
Deel  længer  underveis,  end  de,  som  fulgte  Dampbaaden. 

For  dem,  som  ville  gaae  til  Missouri*),  er  det  udentvivl  baade  den 
snareste  og  billigste  Vei  at  gaae  over  Nyorleans.  Men  herved  maa 
mærkes  :  1)  at  man  sjelden  vil  gaae  til  Nyorleans  uden  med  Skibe,  som 
ere  forhudede  med  Kobber  og  2)  at  det  i  Nyorleans  er  meget  usundt 
og  sygeligt,  undtagen  netop  fra  December  Maaneds  Begyndelse  indtil 
April.  Men  just  paa  denne  Tid  af  Aaret  er  det  værst  at  undvære  Huse, 
hvilket  er  Nybyggeres  almindelige  Skjæbne. 

*)  Efter  Forsikring  af  Kleng  Peerson,  som  kjender  Landet 
bedst,  og  som  har  været  de  Norskes  Veileder  fra  først  af,  er  Missouri 
den  Stat,  hvor  de  Indvandrende  nu  helst  bdr  søge  hen.  De  maae  da  fdrst 
gaae  til  St.  Louis  ved  Misisippi,  derfra  til  Merion  City,  derfra  til  "  The 
Norwegian  settlement  on  Northriver,  Shelby  County." 


58  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

igjennem  Landet,  thi  af  Proviant  betales  ingen  Fragt 
paa  Damp=og  Kanalbaade. 

Som  Median  bør  man  medtage  a)  lidt  Brændeviin,  Ædikke 
og  et  Par  Flasker  Viin,  samt  Rosiner  og  Svedsker  til  at  lave 
Suppe  af  for  Søsyge,  b)  Et  afførende  Middel  mod  den  For- 
stoppelse, som  ofte  indfinder  sig  paa  Søen.  Uden  høi  Nød 
bør  dog  denne  Median  ikke  bruges.  c)  Svovelpulver  og 
Svovelsalve  mod  Fnat.  Hvorledes  denne  Medicin  bruges, 
faaer  man  høre  paa  Apotheket  eller  [p.  jp]  hos  en  Doktor, 
d)  Hofmannsdraaber  og  Kampherdraaber. 

For  Reenlighed  er  det  nødvendigt  at  medtage:  a)  Linned 
til  Ombytning,  b)  Søvandssæbe  til  Vask  og  c)  gode 
Fiinkamme. 

Endnu  engang  maa  jeg  raade  Enhver  at  medtage  Noget  til 
Beskjæftigelse  over  Søen,  saasom  Fiskeredskaber,  Traad  til  at 
binde  Fiskegarn  af.  o.  a.  d. 

Det  er  en  god  Ting,  naar  de  Indvandrende  kunne  have  en 
paalidelig  Veileder  og  Tolk  fra  Nyjork  op  igjennem  Landet. 
For  dem,  som  ville  reise  næste  Vaar  *),  er  dertil  god  Anled- 
ning med  A  n  s  t  e  e  n  Knudsen  N  a  1 1  e  s  t  a  cl  fra  Rolloug 
Præstegjæld  i  Xummedal.  som  nu  er  en  Tour  tilbage  til  Xorge. 

*)  [P-  39]   Nemlig  om  Vaaren  1839. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 


OLE  RYNNING 

TRUE  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

FOR  THE  INFORMATION  AND  HELP  OF 

PEASANT  AND  COMMONER 


TRUE  ACCOUNT 

OF 

AMERICA 


for  the  Information  and  Help  of  Peasant  and 
Commoner 


Written  by 

a  Norwegian  who  arrived  there  in 
the  month  of  June,  1837 


CHRISTIANIA 

1838 


Printed  in  the  office  of  Guldberg  and  Dzwonkowski  by  P.  T.  Mailing. 


PREFACE 

Dear  Countrymen  —  Peasants  and  Artisans  : 

I  have  now  been  in  America  eight  months,  and  in  this  time 
have  had  an  opportunity  to  learn  much  in  regard  to  which  I 
vainly  sought  to  procure  information  before  I  left  Norway.  I 
felt  on  that  occasion  how  unpleasant  it  is  for  those  who  wish  to 
emigrate  to  America  to  be  without  a  trustworthy  and  fairly 
detailed  account  of  the  country.  I  learned  also  how  great  the 
ignorance  of  the  people  is,  and  what  false  and  preposterous  re- 
ports were  believed  as  full  truth.  It  has  therefore  been  my  en- 
deavor in  this  little  publication  to  answer  every  question  that 
[  myself  raised,  to  make  clear  every  point  in  regard  to  which  I 
observed  that  people  were  in  ignorance,  and  to  refute  the  false 
reports  which  have  come  to  my  ears,  partly  before  my  de- 
parture from  Norway  and  partly  after  my  arrival  here.  I 
trust,  dear  reader,  that  you  will  not  find  any  point  concerning 
which  you  desired  information  overlooked  or  imperfectly 
tieated. 

Illinois,  February  13,  1838 

Ole  Rynning 


CONTENTS 

i.  In  what  general  direction  from  Norway  does  America 
lie,  and  how  far  is  it  away? 

2.  How  did  the  country  first  become  known? 

3.  What  in  general  is  the  nature  of  the  country,  and  for  what 
reason  do  so  many  people  go  there,  and  expect  to  make 
a  living? 

4.  Is  it  not  to  be  feared  that  the  land  will  soon  be  over- 
populated?  Is  it  true  that  the  government  is  going  to 
prohibit  more  people  from  coming? 

5.  In  what  part  of  the  country  have  the  Norwegians  settled? 
What  is  the  most  convenient  and  cheapest  way  to  reach 
them? 

6.  What  is  the  nature  of  the  land  where  the  Norwegians 
have  settled?  What  does  good  land  cost?  What  are  the 
prices  of  cattle  and  of  provisions  ?    How  high  are  wages  ? 

7.  What  kind  of  religion  is  to  be  found  in  America?  Is  there 
any  kind  of  order  or  government  in  the  land,  or  can  every 
one  do  as  he  pleases? 

8.  What  provisions  are  made  for  the  education  of  children, 
and  for  the  care  of  poor  people  ? 

9.  What  language  is  spoken  in  America?  Is  it  difficult  to 
learn  ? 

10.  Is  there  considerable  danger  from  disease  in  America? 
Is  there  reason  to  fear  wild  animals  and  the  Indians  ? 

11.  For  what  kind  of  people  is  it  advisable  to  emigrate  to 
America,  and  for  whom  is  it  not  advisable?  —  Caution 
against  unreasonable  expectations. 


66  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

12.  What  particular  dangers  is  one  likely  to  encounter  on  the 
ocean  ?  Is  it  true  that  those  who  are  taken  to  America  are 
sold  as  slaves? 

13.  Guiding  advice  for  those  who  wish  to  go  to  America. 
How  they  should  hire  a  ship;  how  they  should  exchange 
their  money;  what  time  of  the  year  and  what  route  are  the 
most  convenient ;  what  they  ought  to  take  with  them. 


ACCOUNT 

OF 

AMERICA 


I.  In  what  general  direction  from  Norway  does  America  lie, 
and  how  far  is  it  away? 

America  is  a  very  large  continent  which  is  situated  to  the 
west  of  Norway.  It  stretches  about  thirteen  hundred  [Nor- 
wegian] miles  from  north  to  south,  and  consists  of  two  chief 
divisions  which  are  connected  only  by  a  narrow  isthmus.  That 
part  which  lies  north  of  this  isthmus  is  called  North  America, 
and  that  which  is  situated  south  of  it  is  called  South  America. 
Each  of  these  sections  includes  many  countries  which  are  just 
as  different  in  name,  government,  and  situation  as  Norway  and 
England,  or  Norway  and  Spain.  Therefore,  when  emigration 
to  America  is  being  considered,  you  must  ask,  "  To  what  part 
of  America,  and  to  what  province?"  The  most  important 
country  in  all  America  with  respect  to  population  as  well  as 
to  freedom  and  happy  form  of  government  is  the  u  United 
States  "  in  North  America.  Usually,  therefore,  this  country  is 
meant  when  you  hear  some  one  speak  of  America  in  an  indefi- 
nite way.  It  is  to  this  land  your  countrymen  have  emigrated ; 
and  it  is  this  land  which  I  shall  now  describe. 

The  United  States  is  situated  about  southwest  from  Nor- 
way. To  go  there  you  must  sail  over  an  ocean  which  is  ap- 
proximately nine  hundred  Norwegian  miles  wide.  With  a 
favorable  wind  and  on  a  ship  that  sails  well  you  can  cross  in 
less  than  a  month ;  but  the  usual  time  is  nine  weeks,  sometimes 
a  little  more,  sometimes  less.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  wind  is 
generally  from  the  west,  and  therefore  against  you,  when  you 
are  sailing  to  America.  Depending  upon  the  nature  of  the 
weather,  you  go  sometimes  north  of  Scotland,  which  is  the 
shortest  way,  and  sometimes  through  the  channel  between  Eng- 
land and  France. 

Since  America  lies  so  far  to  the  west,  noon  occurs  there  a 
little  over  six  hours  later  than  in  Norway.  The  sun  —  as  com- 
monly expressed  —  passes  around  the  earth  in  twenty-four 
hours,  a  phenomenon  experienced  every  day;  hence  six  hours 


70  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

is  one  fourth  of  the  time  required  in  passing  around.  It  may 
therefore  be  concluded  that  from  Norway  to  America  is  one 
fourth  of  the  entire  distance  around  the  earth. 

2.  How  did  the  country  first  become  known? 

It  is  clearly  shown  by  the  old  sagas  that  the  Norwegians 
knew  of  America  before  the  black  death.  They  called  the  land 
Vinland  the  Good,  and  found  that  it  had  low  coasts,  which 
were  everywhere  overgrown  with  woods.  Nevertheless  there 
were  human  beings  there  even  at  that  time ;  but  they  were  sav- 
age, and  the  Northmen  had  so  little  respect  for  them  as  to 
call  them  "  Skrellings/' 40  After  the  black  death  in  1350  the 
Norwegians  forgot  the  way  to  Vinland  the  Good,  and  the  credit 
for  the  discovery  of  America  is  now  given  to  Christopher  Co- 
lumbus, who  found  the  way  there  in  1492.  He  was  at  that 
time  in  the  service  of  the  Spanish;  and  the  Spaniards,  there- 
fore, reaped  the  first  benefits  of  this  important  discovery. 

During  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth  over  England  Eng- 
lishmen for  the  first  time  sailed  along  the  western  [sic]  coast 
of  North  America,  and  Walter  Raleigh  established  the  first 
English  colony,  which  he  called  Virginia.  Gradually  several 
colonies  were  established  by  various  nations.  Some  Norwe- 
gians also  founded  a  little  town  in  1624,  which  they  named 
Bergen,  in  that  part  of  the  country  which  is  now  called  New 
Jersey.41    The  English  maintained  predominance,  however,  and 

40  "A  disparaging  epithet,  meaning  inferior  people,  i.e.,  savages."  Julius 
E.  Olson  in  The  Northmen,  Columbus,  and  Cabot,  985-1503,  p.  36,  n.  3 
{Original  Narratives  of  Early  American  History  —  New  York,   1906). 

41  There  is  no  basis  of  fact  for  this  statement.  Probably  the  origin 
of  the  belief  that  Bergen  was  a  Norwegian  colony  is  the  name  itself.  It 
has  been  asserted  that  Hans  Hansen,  from  Bergen,  Norway,  who  settled 
in  New  Amsterdam  in  1633,  led  a  group  of  Dutch  and  Norwegians  across 
the  Hudson  River,  and  founded  Bergen,  later  Jersey  City,  New  Jersey, 
and  furthermore  that  Bergen,  city  as  well  as  county,  was  named  after 
Hans  Hansen  Bergen.  Hjalmar  R.  Holand,  De  norske  Settlementers 
Historie,  25  (Ephraim,  Wisconsin,  1909).  Dr.  John  O.  Evjen  has  proved, 
however,  that  Bergen,  New  Jersey,  was  named  after  Bergen  op  Zoom, 
and  was  founded  after  the  death  of  Hans  Hansen,  who  had  no  property 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  71 

the  country  was  under  their  jurisdiction  until  the  fourth  of 
July,  1776,  when  it  separated  from  England  and  formed  a  free 
government  without  a  king.  Since  that  time  it  is  almost  un- 
believable how  rapidly  the  country  has  progressed  in  wealth 
and  population. 

In  1 82 1  a  man  by  the  name  of  Kleng  Peer  sen  from  the  coun- 
ty of  Stavanger  in  Norway  emigrated  to  New  York  in  the 
United  States.  He  made  a  flying  visit  back  to  Norway  in  1824 
and,  through  his  accounts  of  America,  awakened  in  many  the 
desire  to  go  there.42    An  emigration  party  consisting  of  fifty- 

on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson,  where  Bergen  was  located.  Scandinavian 
Immigrants  in  New  York,  1630-1674,  p.  14,  n.  57,  280  (Minneapolis,  1916)  ; 
and  "  Nordmænd  i  Amerika  i  det  17de  Aarhundrede  "  in  Folkebladet  (Min- 
neapolis), February  2,  1910.  Langeland,  apparently  using  Rynning  as  his 
source,  repeats  the  story  of  Bergen  as  a  Norwegian  colony  founded  in 
1624.    Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  9. 

42  Practically  all  writers  who  have  dealt  with  the  history  of  Norwegian 
immigration  have  discussed  the  migration  of  1825  and  its  antecedents. 
Among  the  more  recent  contributions  to  the  subject  may  be  mentioned 
Henry  J.  Cadbury,  "  The  Norwegian  Quakers  of  1825,"  in  Norwegian- 
American  Historical  Association,  Studies  and  Records,  1  :  60-94 ;  Cadbury, 
"  De  forste  Kvækere  i  Stavanger,"  in  Decorah-Posten,  May  21  and  28, 
and  June  4  and  11,  1926;  Gunnar  J.  Malmin,  "  Norsk  Landnåm  i  U.  S.,"  in 
Decorah-Posten,  November  21  and  28,  and  December  5  and  12,  1924; 
Malmin,  "  Paa  Jagt  i  de  norske  Arkiver,"  in  Familiens  Magasin  (Minne- 
apolis), September-October,  1925;  O.  M.  Norlie,  History  of  the  Norwegian 
People  in  America,  112-135  (Minneapolis,  1925)  ;  and  the  writer's  "  Cleng 
Peerson  and  Norwegian  Immigration,"  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  Histori- 
cal Reviezv,  7 :  303-331  (March,  1921).  Among  the  older  materials  on  the 
"  sloop  folk  "  are  the  narrative  of  Ansten  Nattestad  as  given  by  Nilsson 
in  Billed-Magazin,  1:102-104;  Anderson,  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian 
Immigration,  54-131;  Babcock,  Scandinavian  Element,  22-29;  Flom,  Nor- 
wegian Immigration,  45-54;  Langeland,  Nordmændene  i  Amerika,  10-13; 
Olaf  N.  Nelson,  "  The  First  Norwegian  Immigration,  or  The  Sloop  Party 
of  1825,"  in  History  of  the  Scandinavians  in  the  United  States,  part  1,  p. 
125-134P  (Nelson  ed.,  2d  edition,  1904)  ;  and  Johannes  B.  Wist,  Den 
norske  Indvandring  til  1850  og  Skandinaverne  i  Amerikas  Politik,  14-17. 
The  annotations  in  Cadbury's  "  The  Norwegian  Quakers  of  1825  "  are  a 
convenient  guide  to  the  literature  of  the  entire  subject.  It  is  a  curious 
fact  that  modern  scholarship  in  Norway  has  made  few  significant  con- 
tributions to  the  history  of  the  movement  of  emigration  inaugurated  in 
1825.  Mention  should  be  made,  however,  of  an  interesting,  though  highly 
impressionistic,  recent  book  on  the  subject  by  a  Norwegian  writer: 
Christian  Gierloff,  Folket  som  utvandrer   (Oslo,  Norway,  1925). 


J2  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

two  persons  bought  a  little  sloop  for  eighteen  hundred  specie- 
daler*3  and  loaded  it  with  iron  to  go  to  New  York.  The 
skipper  and  mate  themselves  took  part  in  this  speculation. 
They  passed  through  the  channel  and  came  into  a  little  outport 
on  the  coast  of  England,  where  they  began  to  sell  whiskey, 
which  is  a  forbidden  article  of  sale  at  that  place.  When  they 
found  out  what  danger  they  had  thereby  incurred,  they  had 
to  make  to  sea  again  in  greatest  haste.  Either  on  account  of 
the  ignorance  of  the  skipper  or  because  of  head  winds,  they 
sailed  as  far  south  as  the  Madeira  Islands.44  There  they  found 
a  cask  of  madeira  wine  floating  on  the  sea,  which  they  hauled 
into  the  boat  and  from  which  they  began  to  pump  and  drink. 
When  the  whole  crew  had  become  tipsy,  the  ship  came  drift- 
ing into  the  harbor  like  a  plague  ship,  without  command,  and 
without  raising  its  flag.  A  man  on  a  vessel  from  Bremen, 
which  was  lying  in  port,  shouted  to  them  that  they  must  im- 
mediately hoist  their  flag  if  they  did  not  wish  to  be  fired  upon 
by  the  cannons  of  the  fortress,  which,  indeed,  were  already 
being  aimed  at  them.  Finally  one  of  the  passengers  found  the 
flag  and  had  it  raised.  After  this  and  other  dangers  they  at 
length  reached  New  York  in  the  summer  of  1825.  In  all,  the 
voyage  from  Stavanger  to  America  had  taken  fourteen  weeks, 
which  is  the  longest  time  I  know  any  Norwegian  to  have  been 
on  the  way.45  Nobody,  however,  had  died  on  the  sea,  and  all 
were  well  when  they  landed.     It  created  universal  surprise  in 

43  According  to  Flom's  valuation  of  the  speciedaler  the  purchase  price 
amounted  to  about  $1,370.    Norwegian  Immigration,  224. 

44  In  the  New  York  Daily  Advertiser,  October  15,  1825,  the  captain  and 
passengers  of  the  sloop  publicly  acknowledge  their  thanks  to  John  H. 
March,  the  American  consul  at  Madeira,  for  his  hospitality  to  the  com- 
pany when  they  touched  at  that  island,  and  also  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
island  for  their  kindness.  Anderson,  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian  Immi- 
gration, 72. 

45  The  sloop  sailed  from  Stavanger  on  July  4  or  5  with  fifty-two 
passengers.  When  New  York  was  reached,  October  9,  the  party  numbered 
fifty-three,  a  child  having  been  born  during  the  voyage.  Anderson,  First 
Chapter  of  Norwegian  Immigration,  57-59;  Cadbury,  in  Norwegian- 
American  Historical  Association,  Studies  and  Records,  1 :  63-65. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  73 

New  York  that  the  Norwegians  had  ventured  over  the  wide 
sea  in  so  small  a  vessel,  a  feat  hitherto  unheard  of.46  Either 
through  ignorance  or  misunderstanding  the  ship  had  carried 
more  passengers  than  the  American  laws  permitted,  and  there- 
fore the  skipper  and  the  ship  with  its  cargo  were  seized  by  the 
authorities.47  Now  I  can  not  say  with  certainty  whether  the 
government  voluntarily  dropped  the  matter  in  consideration 
of  the  ignorance  and  childlike  conduct  of  our  good  countrymen, 
or  whether  the  Quakers  had  already  at  this  time  interposed 
for  them ;  at  all  events  the  skipper  was  released,  and  the  ship- 
and  its  cargo  were  returned  to  their  owners.  They  lost 
considerably  by  the  sale  of  the  same,  however,  which  did  not 
bring  them  more  than  four  hundred  dollars.  The  skipper  and 
the  mate  settled  in  New  York.  Through  contributions  from 
the  Quakers  the  others  were  enabled  to  go  farther  up  into  the 
country.  Two  Quakers  in  the  company  established  themselves 
in  Rochester.  One  of  these,  Lars  Larsen  by  name,  lives  there 
still.  The  others  bought  land  in  Murray, AS  five  miles  northwest 
of  Rochester.  They  had  tx>  give  five  dollars  an  acre,  but,  since 
they  did  not  have  money  with  which  to  liquidate  the  entire 
amount  at  once,  they  made  arrangements  to  pay  by  installments 
within  ten  years.  Each  one  bought  about  forty  acres.  The 
land  was  thickly  overgrown  with  woods  and  difficult  to  clear. 
Consquently,  during  the  first  four  or  five  years  conditions  were 
very  hard  for  these  people.     They  often  suffered  great  need, 


46  See  extracts  from  contemporary  New  York  newspapers  in  Anderson, 
First  Chapter  of  Norwegian  Immigration,  60-76. 

47  See  the  report  of  Henry  Gahn,  the  Swedish-Norwegian  consul  at 
New  York,  October  15,  1825,  transcribed  from  the  government  archives 
at  Oslo,  and  quoted  in  part  in  Familiens  Magasin,  September-October, 
1925.  The  full  transcript  is  in  the  manuscript  division  of  the  Minnesota 
Historical  Society.  A  law  of  March  2,  1819,  allowed  only  two  passengers 
to  each  five  tons.  United  States,  Statutes  at  Large,  3 :  488.  Cf.  Cadbury, 
in  Norwegian-American  Historical  Association,  Studies  and  Records,  1 :  65. 

48  The  original  name  of  the  northeast  township  of  Orleans  County. 
Anderson,  First  Chapter  of  Norwegian  Immigration,  78.  Rynning's  text 
reads  "  Morri." 


74  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

and  wished  themselves  back  in  Norway ;  but  they  saw  no  possi- 
bility of  getting  there  without  giving  up  the  last  mite  of  their 
property,  and  they  would  not  return  as  beggers.  Well-to-do 
neighbors  assisted  them,  however,  and  by  their  own  industry 
they  at  last  got  their  land  in  such  condition  that  they  could  earn 
a  living  from  it,  and  live  better  than  in  their  old  native  land. 
As  a  result  of  their  letters,  more  Norwegian  peasants  were 
now  encouraged  to  try  their  fortunes  in  America;  but  they 
went  only  singly,  and  commonly  took  the  route  by  way  of 
Gothenburg,  Sweden,  where  there  is  often  a  chance  to  get  pas- 
sage for  America.  One  of  those  who  went  by  this  route,  a  man 
by  the  name  of  Gjert  Gregoriussen  Hovland,  wrote  several  let- 
ters to  his  friends  in  Norway,  which  were  copied  many  times 
and  sent  about  to  many  districts  in  the  diocese  of  Bergen.49  In 
1835  one  of  the  first  emigrants,  a  young  bachelor  named  Knud 
Slagvigen,  likewise  made  a  trip  back  to  Norway,  and  many 
persons  traveled  a  long  way  just  to  talk  with  him.50  Thus, 
America  began  to  be  more  and  more  known  to  peasant  and 
commoner  in  the  dioceses  of  Bergen  and  Christiansand.  As 
a  result  two  ships  sailed  in  1836  with  emigrants  from  Stavang- 
er, and  in  1837  one  from  Bergen  and  one  from  Stavanger,  in 
addition  to  many  emigrants  who  went  by  way  of  Gothenburg 
or  Hamburg.  By  far  the  greater  number  of  those  with  whom 
I  have  talked  so  far  find  themselves  well  satisfied  with  their 
new  native  land. 

3.  What  in  general  is  the  nature  of  the  country,  and  for  what 

reason  do  so  many  people  go  there,  and  expect 

to  make  a  living? 

The  United  States  is  a  very  large  country,  more  than  twenty 
times  as  large  as  all  Norway.  The  greater  part  of  the  land  is 
flat  and  arable;  but,  as  its  extent  is  so  great,  there  is  also  a 
great  difference  with  respect  to  the  mildness  of  the  weather 

49  See  ante,  n.  5. 

50  The  name  is  usually  given  as  Knud  Anderson  Slogvig. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  75 

and  the  fertility  of  the  soil.  In  the  most  eastern  and  northern 
states  the  climate  and  soil  are  not  better  than  in  the  southern 
part  of  Norway.  In  the  western  states,  on  the  contrary,  the 
soil  is  generally  so  rich  that  it  produces  every  kind  of  grain 
without  the  use  of  manure;  and  in  the  southern  states  even 
sugar,  rice,  tobacco,  cotton,  and  many  products  which  require 
much  heat,  are  grown. 

It  is  a  general  belief  among  the  common  people  in  Norway 
that  America  was  well  populated  some  years  ago,  and  that  a 
plague  —  almost  like  the  black  death  —  has  left  the  country 
desolate  of  people.  As  a  result  they  are  of  the  opinion  that 
those  who  emigrate  to  America  will  find  cultivated  farms, 
houses,  clothes,  and  furniture  ready  for  them,  everything  in 
the  condition  in  which  it  was  left  by  the  former  owners.  This 
is  a  false  supposition.*  When  the  country  was  first  discov- 
ered, this  part  of  America  was  inhabited  only  by  certain  sav- 
age nations  that  lived  by  hunting.  The  old  inhabitants  were 
pressed  back  more  and  more,  inasmuch  as  they  would  not  ac- 
custom themselves  to  a  regular  life  and  to  industry;  but  as 
yet  the  greater  part  of  the  land  has  not  begun  to  be  cultivated 
and  settled  by  civilized  peoples. 

4.  Is  it  not  to  be  feared  that  the  land  will  soon  be  overpopu- 

lated?     Is  it  true  that  the  government  is  going 

to  prohibit  more  people  from  coming? 

It  has  been  stated  above  that  the  United  States  in  extent  is 
more  than  twenty  times  as  large  as  Nonvay,  and  that  the 
greater  part  of  the  country  is  not  yet  under  cultivation.     If, 

*  I  will  not  deny,  however,  that  far  back  in  time  the  United  States  may 
have  been  populated  by  another  and  more  civilized  race  than  the  savage 
Indians  who  now  are  commonly  regarded  as  the  first  inhabitants  of  the 
country.  I  have,  in  fact,  seen  old  burial  mounds  here,  which  resemble 
the  Norwegian  barrows ;  and  Americans  have  told  me  that  by  digging 
in  such  mounds  there  have  been  found  both  human  bones  of  exceptional 
size,  and  various  weapons  and  implements  of  iron,  which  give  evidence 
of  a  higher  civilization  than  that  of  the  Indians.  It  is  also  significant  that 
the  Indians  themselves  do  not  know  the  origin  of  these  mounds. 


76  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

in  addition  to  this,  we  consider  that  almost  every  foot  of  land 
in  the  United  States  is  arable,  while  the  greater  part  of 
Norway  consists  of  barren  mountains,  and  that  America  on  ac- 
count of  its  southern  situation  is  richer  than  Norway  in  prod- 
ucts for  human  subsistence,  then  we  can  without  exaggeration 
conclude  that  the  United  States  could  support  more  than  one 
hundred  times  as  many  people  as  are  to  be  found  in  all  Nor- 
way. Now  it  is  no  doubt  a  fact  that  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  people  flock  there  yearly  from  various  other  lands  of  Europe, 
but  nevertheless  there  is  no  danger  that  the  land  will  be  filled 
up  in  the  first  fifty  years.  When  we  were  in  New  York  last 
summer,  several  thousand  immigrants  from  England,  Ger- 
many, France,  and  other  countries  arrived  daily.  Many 
thoughtful  men  in  our  company  became  disheartened  thereby, 
and  believed  that  the  whole  country  was  going  to  become  filled 
at  once,  but  they  soon  discovered  that  this  fear  was  unwarrant- 
ed. Many  did,  indeed,  make  their  way  into  the  interior  with 
us ;  but  they  became  more  and  more  scattered,  and  before  we 
reached  Illinois  there  was  not  a  single  one  of  them  in  our 
company. 

Before  my  departure  from  Norway  I  heard  the  rumor  that 
the  government  in  the  United  States  was  not  going  to  permit 
further  immigration.51  This  report  is  false.  The  American 
government  desires  just  this,  that  industrious,  active,  and  moral 
people  immigrate  to  its  land,  and  therefore  has  issued  no  pro- 
hibition in  this  respect.  It  is  true,  however,  that  the  govern- 
ment is  anxious  to  prevent  immigrants,  upon  their  arrival  in 
this  country,  from  becoming,  through  begging,  a  burden  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  seaport  towns.*     As  a  matter  of  fact, 

*  The  report  seems  to  have  been  circulated  in  Norway  that  those  who 
emigrated  from  Stavanger  in  1836  have  been  forced  to  go  about  in  America 
and  beg  in  order  to  raise  money  enough  to  get  back  to  Norway.  But  so 
far  as  I  have  inquired  and  heard,  this  is  purely  a  falsehood.  I  have 
talked  with  most  of  those  who  came  over  in  1836,  and  all  seem  to  have 
been  more  or  less  successful. 


51  This  report  may  have  had  its  source  in  efforts  made  in  Norway  to 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  77 

a  large  number  of  those  who  emigrate  to  America  are  poor 
people  who,  when  they  land,  have  hardly  so  much  left  as  to  be 
able  to  buy  a  meal  for  themselves  and  their  families.  However 
good  the  prospects  for  the  poor  laborer  really  are  in  America, 
yet  it  would  be  too  much  to  expect  that,  on  the  very  first  day 
he  steps  upon  American  soil,  he  should  get  work,  especially  in 
the  seaport  towns,  where  so  many  thousands  who  are  looking 
for  employment  arrive  daily.  His  only  recourse,  therefore,  is 
to  beg.  To  prevent  this,  the  government  requires  the  payment 
of  a  tax  from  every  person  who  lands  in  America  with  the 
purpose  of  settlement.  With  this  tax  are  defrayed  the  expenses 
of  several  poorhouses  which  have  been  established  for  poor 
immigrants.  Those  who  at  once  continue  their  journey  farther 
into  the  country  are  required  to  pay  less  than  those  who  remain 
in  the  seaports,  for  the  former  can  more  easily  find  work  and 
support  themselves. 

When  we  landed  in  New  York,  the  tax  there  was  two  and 
one-half  dollars;  but  there  is  a  rumor  that  it  is  going  to  be 
raised.     At  some  places  the  tax  is  ten  dollars.52 

The  immigrants  of  different  nations  are  not  equally  well  re- 
ceived by  the  Americans.  From  Ireland  there  comes  yearly 
a  great  rabble,  who,  because  of  their  tendency  to  drunkenness, 
their  fighting,  and  their  knavery,  make  themselves  commonly 
hated.  A  respectable  Irishman  hardly  dares  acknowledge  his 
nationality.  The  Norwegians  in  general  have  thus  far  a  good 
reputation  for  their  industry,  trustworthiness,  and  the  readi- 
ness with  which  the  more  well-to-do  have  helped  the  poorer 
on  the  journey  through  the  country. 


discourage  emigration,  or  it  may  have  originated  in  connection  with  the 
rising  current  of  nativism  in  the  United  States  in  the  thirties. 

52  The  Nezv  York  Times  of  June  9,  1837,  carried  the  following  notice 
about  the  head  tax  :  "  His  Honor  the  Mayor,  Mr.  Clark,  has  expressed  his 
determination  to  consider  all  persons  coming  into  this  port  from  abroad, 
as  paupers  and  charge  the  full  amount  of  tax  on  them  allowed  by  the  law, 
previous  to  their  landing,  viz.  $10  per  head." 


78  R YNNING'S  A CCO  UNT  OF  AMERICA 

5.  In  what  part  of  the  country  have  the  Norwegians  settled? 

What  is  the  most  convenient  and  cheapest 

way  to  reach  them? 

Norwegians  are  to  be  found  scattered  about  in  many  places 
in  the  United  States.  One  may  meet  a  few  Norwegians  in  Xew 
York,  Rochester,  Detroit,  Chicago,  Philadelphia,  and  Xew  Or- 
leans, yet  I  know  of  only  four  or  five  places  where  several 
Norwegians  have  settled  together,  and  these  places  are  as 
follows.  The  first  company  of  Norwegian  immigrants,  as  I 
have  already  said,  settled  in  (1)  Murray  Town,  Orleans 
County,  New  York  State,  in  1825.  Only  two  or  three  families 
remain  there  now;  the  others  have  moved  farther  into  the 
country,  where  they  have  settled  in  (2)  La  Salle  County, 
Illinois  State,  by  the  Fox  River,  about  one  and  one-half  Nor- 
wegian miles  northeast  from  the  city  of  Ottawa,  and  eleven 
or  twelve  miles  west  of  Chicago.  From  sixteen  to  twenty 
families  of  Norwegians  live  there.  This  colony  was  established 
in  1834.  (3)  White  County,  Indiana  State,  about  ten  Nor- 
wegian miles  south  of  Lake  Michigan,  on  the  Tippecanoe  River. 
There  are  living  in  this  place  as  yet  only  two  Norwegians  from 
Drammen,  who  together  own  nearly  eleven  hundred  acres  of 
land ;  but  in  the  vicinity  good  land  still  remains  unoccupied.  A 
number  of  Norwegians  from  Stavanger  settled  in  (4)  Shelby 
County,  Missouri  State,  in  the  spring  of  1837. 53  I  do  not 
know  how  many  families  live  there.  A  large  number  of  those 
who  came  over  last  summer  settled  in  (5)  Iroquois  County, 
Illinois  State,  on  the  Beaver  and  Iroquois  rivers.  At  this  place 
there  are  now  eleven  or  twelve  families. 

Usually  the  Norwegians  prefer  to  seek  a  place  where  they 
can  expect  to  find  fellow-countrymen ;  but  it  is  always  difficult 
to  get  good  unoccupied  land  in  the  vicinity  of  those  who  im- 
migrated one  or  two  years  earlier. 

53  On  this  colony  see  "  Peter  Testman's  Account  of  his  Experiences 
in  North  America,"  in  Minnesota  History,  6:91-114  (June,  1925).  The 
circumstances  of  the  establishment  of  the  colony  are  told  in  Sjur  Jorgen- 
sen  Haaeim,  Oplysninger  om  Forholdene  i  Nordamerika,  2  (Christiania, 
1842). 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  79 

6.  What  is  the  nature  of  the  land  where  the  Norwegians  have 

settled?  What  does  good  land  cost?  What  are  the  prices 

of  cattle  and  of  provisions?   How  high  are  wages? 

In  the  western  regions,  where  all  the  Norwegian  immigrants 
now  go,  the  land  is  very  flat  and  low.  I  had  imagined  that 
thick  woods  would  cover  that  part  of  the  land  which  had  not 
yet  begun  to  be  cleared ;  but  I  found  it  quite  different.  One  can 
go  two  or  three  miles  over  natural  meadows,  which  are  over- 
grown with  the  most  luxuriant  grass,  without  finding  a  single 
tree.  These  natural  meadows  are  called  prairies.  From  earli- 
est spring  until  latest  fall  they  are  covered  with  the  most  di- 
verse flowers.  Every  month  they  put  on  a  new  garb.  Most 
of  these  plants  and  species  of  grass  are  unknown  in  Nonvay, 
or  are  found  only  here  and  there  in  the  gardens  of  distin- 
guished people. 

The  prairies  are  a  great  boon  to  the  settlers.  It  costs  them 
nothing  to  pasture  their  cattle  and  to  gather  fodder  for  the 
winter.  In  less  than  two  days  a  capable  laborer  can  cut  and 
rake  enough  fodder  for  one  cow.  Still  the  prairie  grass  is  not 
considered  so  good  as  tame  hay  of  timothy  and  clover.  The 
soil  on  the  prairies  is  usually  rich,  and  free  from  stones  and 
roots.  In  order  to  break  a  field,  therefore,  only  a  strong  plow 
and  four  or  five  yoke  of  oxen  are  needed ;  with  these  a  man 
can  plough  up  one  or  two  acres  of  prairie  a  day.  Without  be- 
ing manured,  the  soil  produces  corn,  wheat,  buckwheat,  oats, 
potatoes,  turnips,  carrots,  melons,  and  other  things  that  make 
up  the  produce  of  the  land.  Corn  is  considered  the  most  profit- 
able crop,  and  yields  from  twelve  to  twenty-four  barrels  an 
acre.  Oats  and  a  large  part  of  the  corn  are  fed  only  to  horses 
and  cattle.  As  food  for  people  wrheat  flour  is  most  used.  Bar- 
ley and  rye  grow  well  in  some  places,  and  thrive;  but  I  have 
not  yet  seen  any  of  these  grains.  Barley,  like  oats,  is  used  only 
for  fodder.  Beer  is  not  to  be  found,  and  most  of  the  milk  is 
given  to  calves  and  hogs.  For  breakfast  and  supper  coffee  or 
tea  is  always  served,  but  at  other  times  only  cold  water  is  drunk. 


8o  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

According  to  the  price  of  beer  in  Chicago,  a  barrel  would  cost 
about  twenty  dollars. 

It  costs  nothing  to  keep  hogs  in  this  country.  They  forage 
for  themselves  both  in  winter  and  summer,  though  they  must 
be  fed  enough  to  prevent  them  from  becoming  wild.  This 
often  happens,  however,  so  that  in  many  places  whole  droves 
of  wild  swine  may  be  seen,  which  are  hunted  just  like  other 
wild  animals.  Since  it  costs  so  little  to  keep  swine,  it  is  not 
infrequent  that  one  man  has  from  fifty  to  a  hundred.  For  that 
reason,  also,  pork  is  eaten  at  almost  every  meal. 

It  is  natural  that  a  country  which  is  so  sparsely  populated 
should  have  a  great  abundance  of  wild  animals.  The  Indians, 
who-  were  the  former  inhabitants,  lived  entirely  by  hunting. 
If  a  settler  is  furnished  with  a  good  rifle  and  knows  how  to  use 
it,  he  does  not  have  to  buy  meat  the  first  two  years.54  A  good 
rifle  costs  from  fifteen  to  twenty  dollars.  The  chief  wild 
animals  are  deer,  prairie  chickens,  turkeys,  ducks,  and  wild 
geese.  Wild  bees  are  also  found.  The  rivers  abound  with 
fish  and  turtles. 

Illinois  and  the  other  western  states  are  well  adapted  for 
fruit  culture.  Apple  trees  bear  fruit  in  the  fifth  or  sixth  year 
after  they  are  planted  from  the  seed,  and  the  peach  tree  as  early 
as  the  second  or  third  year.  It  is  a  good  rule  to  make  plans 
in  the  very  first  year  for  the  planting  of  a  fruit  garden.  Young 
apple  trees  cost  from  three  to  six  cents  apiece.  Of  wild  fruit 
trees  I  shall  name  only  the  dzvarfed  hazel,  which  is  seldom 
higher  than  a  man,  and  the  black  raspberry,  which  is  found 
everywhere  in  abundance.  Illinois  lacks  sufficient  forests  for 
its  extensive  prairies.  The  grass  on  the  prairies  burns  up 
every  year,  and  thereby  hinders  the  growth  of  young  trees. 
Prolific  woods  are  found  only  along  the  rivers.  Most  of  the 
timber  is  oak ;  though  in  some  places  there  are  also  found  ash, 


54  For  an  example  of  the  influence  of  this  bit  of  advice,  see  ante,  n.  32. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  81 

elm,  walnut,  linden,  poplar,  maple,  and  so  forth.  The  most 
difficult  problem  is  to  find  trees  enough  for  fencing  material. 
In  many  places,  therefore,  they  have  begun  to  inclose  their 
fields  with  ditches  and  walls  of  sod,  as  well  as  by  planting 
black  locust  trees,  which  grow  very  rapidly  and  increase 
greatly  by  ground  shoots.  Norwegian  immigrants  ought  to 
bring  with  them  some  seed  of  the  Norwegian  birch  and  fir.  For 
the  latter  there  is  plenty  of  sandy  and  poor  soil  in  certain 
places.  Indiana  and  Missouri  are  better  supplied  with  forests 
than  Illinois. 

In  many  places  in  these  states  hard  coal  and  salt  springs 
are  to  be  found.  On  the  border  between  Illinois  and  Wiscon- 
sin territory  there  are  a  great  many  lead  mines  which  belong 
to  the  government.  Whatever  other  mineral  is  found  belongs 
solely  to  the  owner  of  the  ground.  Illinois  is  well  supplied 
with  good  spring  water,  something  which  Missouri  to  some 
extent  lacks. 

The  summer  in  Illinois  is  much  warmer  than  in  Norway. 
On  some  days  the  heat  in  Norway  may  be  just  as  intense  as  it 
ever  is  in  Illinois  or  Missouri ;  but  in  these  states  the  weather 
is  clearer  and  brighter.  It  very  seldom  rains  for  a  whole  day 
until  the  end  of  summer;  but  when  it  does  rain  the  downpour 
is  violent  and  usually  accompanied  by  thunder  and  lightning. 
The  winter  lasts  from  November  until  the  end  of  March,  at 
which  time  the  ground  usually  begins  to  grow  green.  Febru- 
ary is  the  coldest  month.  I  have  heard  many  Norwegians 
declare  that  they  have  never  felt  the  cold  worse  in  Norway  than 
in  America.  Nevertheless,  the  cattle  are  generally  kept  out 
of  doors  during  the  whole  winter,  and  the  houses  of  Americans 
are  not  much  better  than  a  barn  in  Norway. 

The  price  of  government  land  has  hitherto  been  $1.25  an 
acre,  whether  the  land  has  been  of  the  best  kind  or  of  poorer 
quality.  The  price  is  now  going  to  be  lowered  and  the  land 
divided  into  three  classes  according  to  quality,  and  the  prices 
will  be  regulated  accordingly.     Thus,  I  have  heard  that  for 


82 


RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 


land  exclusively  of  the  third  class,  half  a  dollar  an  acre  will  be 
asked.55 

An  acre  of  land  measures  about  one  hundred  and  four  ells 
on  each  side.56  Forty  acres,  which  is  the  smallest  portion  that 
can  be  bought  from  the  government,  is  six  hundred  and  sixty 
ells  on  each  side.  A  tract  of  eighty  acres  is  thirteen  hundred 
and  twenty  ells  north  and  south  and  six  hundred  and  sixty  ells 
east  and  west.  If  one  buys  two  eighty-acre  tracts  side  "by 
side,  one  has  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  in  a  square,  and 
hence  thirteen  hundred  and  twenty  ells  on  each  side.  With  the 
smallest  tracts  the  marks  that  are  set  by  the  government  must 
be  followed ;  but  one  is  permitted  to  buy,  for  example,  two 
eighty-acre  tracts  adjoining  each  other  north  and  south,  or 
even  some  distance  apart  from  each  other.  An  American  mile 
is  two  thousand  six  hundred  and  forty  ells  in  length.  A  section 
is  a  square  which  is  a  mile  on  each  side  and  which  contains 
eight  eighty-acre  tracts.  A  town  or  a  township  comprises 
thirty-six  sections  which  are  arranged  as  shown  in  the  follow- 
ing figure : 

N 


W 


6 

5   4 

3 

2 

1 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

18 

17 

16 

15 

14 

13 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

30 

29 

28 

27 

26 

25 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

55  Proposals    to   graduate    the   price   of    public   lands   had   been   before 
Congress  since  Benton  first  introduced  his  bill  in  1824.     In  Benton's  plan, 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  83 

The  sixteenth  section  in  each  township  is  always  school  land 
and  is  the  common  property  of  the  township.  When,  there- 
fore, a  township  has  attained  a  certain  number  of  settlers,  they 
can  determine  by  a  majority  vote  the  manner  in  which  the 
school  land  shall  be  used.57 

It  can  be  seen  from  the  figure  that  a  township  measures  six 
miles  on  each  side.  The  location  of  a  town  or  township  is 
determined  by  two  numbers,  one  indicating  range  and  the 
other,  township.  That  is,  one  begins  to  measure  from  a  point 
toward  north  or  south,  and  from  another  toward  east  or  west. 
For  every  sixth  mile  toward  north  or  south  there  is  a  new 
township,  and  for  every  sixth  mile  east  or  west,  a  new  range. 

Where  the  land  has  been  surveyed  by  the  government,  marks 
and  numbers  for  range,  township,  and  section  are  found  in  the 
corners  of  all  the  sections.  When  one  has  found  these  marks 
for  the  piece  of  land  which  he  wishes  to  buy,  he  goes  to  the 
land  office,  states  which  piece  he  wishes  to  have  in  the  section 
named,  pays  the  price  set  by  the  government,  and  receives 
without  special  payment  his  certificate  or  deed  of  conveyance. 
The  deed  is  very  simple,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  following. 


changed  from  time  to  time  in  its  details,  the  graduation  was  based  upon 
the  length  of  time  the  land  had  been  in  the  market.  Other  graduation 
measures,  notably  that  of  Senator  Walker  of  Mississippi,  proposed  to 
classify  land  according  to  quality.  Up  to  the  time  of  which  Rynning 
writes  no  plan  had  secured  the  approval  of  Congress.  See  Raynor  G. 
Wellington,  The  Political  and  Sectional  Influence  of  the  Public  Lands, 
1828-1842,  p.  6,  8,  33,  40,  56,  72. 

56  A  Norwegian  ell  is  equivalent  to  two  feet. 

57  Rynning  is  mistaken  in  his  assertion  that  the  township  had  authority 
:o  decide  how  the  school  land  should  be  used.  He  probably  had  in  mind 
the  provisions  of  an  act  regulating  the  sale  of  school  lands  passed  by  the 
Illinois  legislature,  January  22,  1829,  and  amended  by  the  act  of  February 
15,  1831,  whereby  on  the  petition  of  three  fourths  of  the  white  male 
voters  of  any  township  containing  at  least  fifty  white  inhabitants,  the 
school  commissioner  was  authorized  to  sell  section  sixteen,  the  proceeds  of 
such  sales  to  form  a  part  of  the  township  school  fund.  Illinois,  Laws, 
1829,  p.  170-174;  1831,  p.  172-176. 


84  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

Copy. 

Office  of  the  Receiver,  Danville,  Illinois 

January  6,  1838 
No.  7885 

Received  of  Ingbrigt  Nielson  Bredvig  of  Iroquois  County, 

Illinois, the  sum  of  fifty dollars as  full 

payment  for  X.  W',  by  W.  quarter  of  section  number  14.  ..... 

in  township  number  27  north of  range  number  13  west 

comprising  forty acres  at  $1.25 an  acre. 

$50.00 

Saxd  M.  Roberts.58 

Receiver. 

When  land  is  purchased  from  a  private  individual,  who  has 
himself  bought  earlier  from  the  government,  the  price  will  be 
from  two  to  thirty  dollars  an  acre.  Many  swindlers  are 
engaged  in  selling  land  which  they  do  not  own,  whereby  many 
strangers  have  been  cheated.  The  surest  and  cheapest  way  is 
to  buy  from  the  government  and  curtly  to  dismiss  all  specula- 
tors who,  like  beasts  of  prey,  lie  in  wait  for  the  stranger. 

The  government  offers  for  sale  every  year  only  certain 
tracts.  A  person  can  nevertheless  cultivate  and  settle  upon  land 
vhich  has  not  yet  been  placed  on  the  market,  for  the  settler 
has  the  first  right  to  buy  it,  when  it  is  put  up  for  sale.59  A 
piece  of  land  acquired  in  this  way  is  called  a  claim.     To  buy 

58  Rynning,  in  copying  the  deed,  appears  to  have  corrupted  the  name 
of  Samuel  McRoberts,  who  was  receiver  of  public  moneys  at  the  Danville 
land  office  from  1832  to  1839. 

59  Rynning  here  refers  to  the  privilege  allowed  settlers  under  the 
preemption  act  of  May  29,  1830,  of  securing  title  to  lands  occupied  by 
them  previous  to  their  being  placed  on  the  market,  upon  giving  satis- 
factory proof  of  settlement  and  improvement  and  upon  the  payment  of 
the  established  minimum  price  of  $1.25  an  acre.  This  act,  originally 
passed  to  be  in  force  for  one  year  only,  was  continued  from  year  to 
year  with  slight  modifications  until  the  passage  of  the  permanent  pre- 
emption act  of  1841.  Payson  J.  Treat,  The  National  Land  System,  1785- 
1820,  p.  383-386  (Xew  York,  1910)  ;  Thomas  Donaldson,  The  Public 
Domain,  214  (47  Congress,  2  session,  House  Miscellaneous  Documents, 
no.  45,  part  4 —  serial  2158)  ;  George  M.  Stephenson,  The  Political  History 
of  the  Public  Lands  from  1840  to  1862,    p.  19-72  (Boston,  1917). 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  85 

a  claim  is,  therefore,  to  secure  the  right  to  buy  the  land  from 
the  government.  Hence  a  claim  is  not  yet  one's  property. 
There  are  many  speculators  who  enrich  themselves  by  taking 
up  claims  and  then  selling  their  claim  rights. 

The  prices  of  cattle  and  of  the  necessities  of  life  vary  most 
widely.  Here  at  Beaver  Creek  a  fairly  good  horse  costs  from 
fifty  to  one  hundred  dollars;  a  yoke  of  good  working  oxen 
from  fifty  to  eighty  dollars;  a  lumber  wagon  from  sixty  to 
eighty  dollars ;  a  milk  cow  with  calf  from  sixteen  to  twenty 
dollars;  a  sheep  two  or  three  dollars;  an  average-sized  pig 
from  six  to  ten  dollars ;  pork  from  six  to  ten  cents  a  pound ; 
butter  from  twelve  to  twenty-four  cents  a  pound;  a  barrel  of 
the  finest  wheat  flour  from  eight  to  ten  dollars ;  a  barrel  of  corn 
meal  (meal  from  maize)  from  two  and  one-half  to  three  dol- 
lars ;  a  barrel  of  potatoes  one  dollar ;  a  pound  of  coffee  twenty 
cents ;  a  barrel  of  salt  five  dollars.  In  Wisconsin  Territory  the 
prices  of  everything  are  two  or  three  times  higher.  Ten  Nor- 
wegian miles  south  of  us  and  in  Missouri  the  prices  of  most 
things  are  lower. 

Wages  are  also  very  different  in  different  places,  and  corre- 
spond closely  with  the  prices  of  other  commodities.  In  this 
vicinity  a  capable  workman  can  earn  from  one-half  to  one 
dollar  a  day  in  winter,  and  almost  twice  as  much  in  summer. 
Yearly  wages  are  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred 
dollars.  A  servant  girl  gets  from  one  to  two  dollars  a  week, 
and  has  no  outside  work  except  to  milk  the  cows.  In  Wiscon- 
sin Territory  daily  wages  are  from  three  to  five  dollars ;  in 
New  Orleans  and  Texas  wages  are  also  very  high,  but  in 
Missouri,  again,  they  are  lower.  At  Beaver  Creek  we  can  now 
get  men  to  break  prairie  for  us  at  two  dollars  an  acre,  provided 
that   we    furnish   board.60      For   fencing  ten    acres    with   the 

60  In  his  journal,  dated  at  Beaver  Creek,  Illinois,  on  February  21, 
1838,  Ole  Nattestad  says  that  he  has  had  work  since  October  14,  and  in 
four  months  has  earned  fifty  dollars.  He  also  states  that  he  has  been 
offered  one  hundred  and  ninety  dollars  a  year,  together  with  board  "  as 
good  as  any  official  has  in  Norway  " ;  that  a  workingman  can  earn  from 


86  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

simplest  kind  of  fencing  we  figure  on  two  thousand  rails.  In 
an  average  woods  a  good  workman  can  split  a  hundred  or  a 
hundred  and  fifty  rails  a  day.  From  one-half  to  one  dollar 
is  charged  for  splitting  a  hundred  rails.  Four  thousand  rails 
are  required  to  fence  in  forty  acres;  and  for  one  hundred  and 
sixty  acres  eight  thousand  rails  are  needed,  all  figuring  being 
based  upon  the  simplest  kind  of  fence. 

7.  What  kind  of  religion  is  to  be  found  in  America?    Is  there 

any  kind  of  order  or  government  in  the  land,  or  can 

every  one  do  as  he  pleases? 

Among  the  common  people  in  Norway  it  has  been  a  general 
belief  that  pure  heathenism  prevails  in  America,  or,  still  worse, 
that  there  is  no  religion.  This  is  not  the  case.  Every  one  can 
believe  as  he  wishes,  and  worship  God  in  the  manner  which  he 
believes  to  be  right,  but  he  must  not  persecute  any  one  for 
holding  another  faith.  The  government  takes  it  for  granted 
that  a  compulsory  belief  is  no  belief  at  all,  and  that  it  will  be 
best  shown  who  has  religion  or  who  has  not  if  there  is  complete 
religious  liberty. 

The  Christian  religion  is  the  prevailing  one  in  America ;  but 
on  account  of  the  self-conceit  and  opinionativeness  of  the 
teachers  of  religion  in  minor  matters,  there  are  a  great  many 
sects,  which  agree,  however,  in  the  main  points.61  Thus,  one 
hears  of  Catholics,  Protestants,  Lutherans,  Calvinists,  Presby- 
terians, Baptists,  Quakers,  Methodists,  and  many  others. 
There  are  also  various  sects  among  the  Norwegians,  but  they 
do  not  as  yet  have  ministers  and  churches.    Every  man  who  is 

twelve  to  sixteen  dollars  a  month  in  winter,  and  almost  twice  as  much 
in  summer ;  and  that  a  girl  can  earn  from  one  to  two  dollars  a  week  if 
she  has  some  knowledge  of  English.  Beskrivelse,  30,  31 ;  translation  by 
Anderson  in  Wisconsin  Magazine  of  History,  1  :  186.  On  the  matter  of 
wages  see  also  Rynning's  eleventh  chapter. 

61  Nattestad  in  his  Beskrivelse,  28,  makes  a  similar  statement :  "As 
far  as  religious  sects  are  concerned,  there  are  many  kinds,  and  I  have  as 
yet  little  knowledge  of  their  teachings;  but  as  far  as  I  can  understand 
them,  they  almost  all  believe  in  one  true  God." 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  87 

somewhat  earnest  in  his  belief  holds  devotional  exercises  in  his 
own  home,  or  else  together  with  his  neighbors. 

I  have  already  said  that  the  United  States  has  no  king. 
Nevertheless,  there  is  always  a  man  who  exercises  just  about 
as  much  authority  as  a  king.  This  man  is  chosen  for  a  term 
of  only  four  years,  and  is  called  president.  In  matters  which 
concern  all  the  United  States  as  a  whole,  the  legislative  power 
is  vested  in  the  Congress,  which  is  composed  of  men  who  are 
elected  by  the  various  states.  Each  of  the  separate  states  has 
its  own  government,  just  as  Norway  and  Sweden  have,  but 
their  common  Congress,  their  common  language,  and  a  com- 
mon financial  system  unite  them  more  closely.  The  number  of 
the  United  States  is  at  present  twenty-seven. 

For  the  comfort  of  the  faint-hearted  I  can,  therefore, 
declare  with  truth  that  here,  as  in  Norway,  there  are 
laws,  government,  and  authorities.  But  everything  is  designed 
to  maintain  the  natural  freedom  and  equality  of  men.  In 
regard  to  the  former,  every  one  is  free  to  engage  in  whatever 
honorable  occupation  he  wishes,  and  to  go  wherever  he  wishes 
without  having  to  produce  a  passport,  and  without  being  de- 
tained by  customs  officials.  Only  the  real  criminal  is  threatened 
with  punishment  by  the  law. 

In  writings  the  sole  purpose  of  which  seems  to  be  to  find 
something  in  America  which  can  be  criticized,  I  have  read  that 
the  American  is  faithless,  deceitful,  hard-hearted,  and  so  forth. 
I  will  not  deny  that  such  folk  are  to  be  found  in  America,  as 
well  as  in  other  places,  and  that  the  stranger  can  never  be  too 
careful ;  but  it  has  been  my  experience  that  the  American  as  a 
general  rule  is  easier  to  get  along  with  than  the  Norwegian, 
more  accommodating,  more  obliging,  more  reliable  in  all 
things.  The  oldest  Norwegian  immigrants  have  assured  me 
of  the  same  thing.  Since  it  is  so  easy  to  support  oneself  honor- 
ably, thieving  and  burglary  are  almost  unknown. 

An  ugly  contrast  to  this  freedom  and  equality  which  justly 
constitute  the  pride  of  the  Americans  is  the  infamous  slave 


88  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

traffic,  which  still  is  tolerated  and  flourishes  in  the  southern 
states.  Here  is  found  a  race  of  black  people,  with  wooly  hair 
on  their  heads,  who  are  called  negroes,  and  who  are  brought 
here  from  Africa,  which  is  their  native  country ;  these  poor 
beings  are  bought  and  sold  in  the  southern  states  just  as  other 
property,  and  are  driven  to  work  with  a  whip  or  scourge  like 
horses  or  oxen.  If  a  master  whips  his  slave  to  death  or  shoots 
him  dead  in  a  rage,  he  is  not  looked  upon  as  a  murderer.  The 
children  born  of  a  negress  are  slaves  from  birth,  even  if  their 
father  is  a  white  man.  The  slave  trade  is  still  permitted  in 
Missouri ;  but  it  is  strictly  forbidden  and  despised  in  Indiana, 
Illinois,  and  Wisconsin  Territory.  The  northern  states  try  in 
every  Congress  to  get  the  slave  trade  abolished  in  the  southern 
states ;  but  as  the  latter  always  oppose  these  efforts,  and  appeal 
to  their  right  to  settle  their  internal  affairs  themselves,  there 
will  in  all  likelihood  soon  come  either  a  separation  between  the 
northern  and  southern  states,  or  else  bloody  civil  disputes.62 

The  taxes  in  America  are  very  low.  I  have  heard  of  only 
two  kinds  of  taxes  here ;  namely,  land  tax  and  property  tax. 
No  land  tax  is  paid  during  the  first  five  years  after  land  has 
been  bought  from  the  government.  The  property  tax  amounts 
to  half  a  dollar  on  even-  hundred  one  owns  in  money  or  in 
chattels.  Every  man  over  twenty-one  years  owes  the  state  four 
days  of  road  work  yearly. 

In  the  event  of  war  every  man  is  in  duty  bound  to  bear  arms 
for  his  country.  In  times  of  peace  there  is  freedom  from  mili- 
tary service. 


62  This  passage,  written  twenty-three  years  before  the  outbreak  of 
the  Civil  War,  foreshadows  accurately  the  position  that  the  Norwegian 
immigrants  were  to  take  on  the  issues  involved  in  the  slavery  controversy. 
It  presages  their  affiliation  with  the  Free  Soil  Party,  and,  later,  the 
Republican  Party,  an  affiliation  that  was  to  last  long  after  the  echoes  of 
the  great  sectional  conflict  had  died  away.  Furthermore,  Rynning's 
views  are  representative  of  those  of  the  great  mass  of  Norwegian  immi- 
grants, an  important  fact  in  accounting  for  the  tendency  of  these 
immigrants  to  go  to  the  North  and  the  Northwest,  rather  than  to  the  South. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  89 

8.  What  provisions  are  made  for  the  education  of  children,  and 

for  the  care  of  poor  people? 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  sixteenth  section  in 
every  township  is  reserved  as  school  land,  and  that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  township  can  themselves  determine  its  use.  Public 
education,  indeed,  is  within  the  reach  of  all,  just  as  any  other 
thing;  but  it  by  no  means  follows  that  there  is,  therefore, 
indifference  in  regard  to  the  education  of  the  children.  The 
American  realizes  very  well  what  an  advantage  the  educated 
man  has  over  the  ignorant,  and  he  spares  nothing  in  the 
instruction  and  education  of  his  children.  Nevertheless,  I  have 
met  some  elderly  men  who  could  neither  read  nor  write.  Two 
schools  have  now  been  started  among  the  Norwegians  at  Fox 
River,  where  the  children  learn  English ;  but  the  Norwegian 
language  seems  to  be  destined  to  die  out  with  the  parents.  At 
least,  the  children  do  not  learn  to  read  Norwegian.  At  Beaver 
Creek  no  school  is  yet  established,  but  most  of  the  children 
who  are  old  enough  are  taken  into  American  homes,  where 
their  instruction  is  usually  well  cared  for.63 

In  this  state  I  have  not  yet  seen  a  beggar.  The  able-bodied 
man  is  in  no  danger  of  poverty  or  need.  By  an  excellent 
system  of  poor  relief  care  is  taken  of  those  who  are  really 
needy.  If  a  widow  is  left  in  straitened  circumstances,  the 
children  are  not  taken  away  from  the  mother  and  made  parish 
paupers  as  in  Norway ;  but  generous  help  is  given  to  the  mother 
for  the  support  of  both  herself  and  her  children,  and  for  the 
schooling  of  the  latter.64 

9.  What  language  is  spoken  in  America?  Is  it  difficult  to  learn? 

Since  so  many  people  stream  into  the  United  States  from  all 
the  European  countries,  one  must  expect  to  find  just  as  many 

63  See  also  Reiersen's  account  of  the  schools  in  the  Norwegian  settle- 
ments. Veiviser,  153,  155;  translation  in  Norwegian-American  Historical 
Association,  Studies  and  Records,  1 :  114-115. 

64  Cf.  Reiersen  on  the  Norwegian  settlements.  Norwegian-American 
Historical  Association,  Studies  and  Records,  1:  1 18-122. 


90  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

different  languages  in  use.    But  the  English  language  predomi- 
nates everywhere. 

Ignorance  of  the  language  is,  to  be  sure,  a  handicap  for 
Norwegian  immigrants.  It  is  felt  especially  on  the  trip  to  the 
interior  of  the  country,  if  there  is  no  one  in  the  party  who 
understands  English.  But  by  daily  association  with  Americans 
one  will  learn  enough  in  two  or  three  months  to  get  along 
well.  Some  half-grown  children  who  came  over  last  summer 
already  speak  very  good  English.  Before  having  learned  the 
language  fairly  well,  one  must  not  expect  to  receive  so  large 
daily  or  yearly  wages  as  the  native-born  Americans. 

io.  Is  there   considerable  danger  from  disease  in   America? 
Is  there  reason  to  fear  wild  animals  and  the  Indians? 

I  shall  not  conceal  the  fact  that  the  unaccustomed  climate 
usually  causes  some  kind  of  sickness  among  new  settlers  during 
the  first  year.  Diarrhea  or  the  ague  afflicts  almost  every 
one;  but  if  a  regular  diet  is  observed,  these  sicknesses  are 
seldom  dangerous,  and  Nature  helps  herself  best  without  medi- 
cine. The  ague  seldom  returns  unless  one  has  attempted  to 
drive  it  away  by  quack  medical  treatment. 

There  are  no  dangerous  beasts  of  prey  in  this  part  of  the 
country.  The  prairie  wolf  is  not  larger  than  a  fox;  but  still 
it  is  harmful  to  the  extent  that  it  often  destroys  pigs,  lambs, 
and  chickens.  Snakes  are  numerous  here,  but  small;  and  few 
of  them  are  poisonous.65  The  most  poisonous  kind  is  the 
rattlesnake ;  but  even  that  is  not  nearly  so  venomous  as  many 
in  Norway  believe.     I  know  two  instances  of  persons  being 

65  Among  the  many  rumors  about  America  that  were  circulated  in 
Norway,  in  many  cases  with  the  express  purpose  of  checking  emigration, 
was  the  one  that  there  existed  great  danger  from  poisonous  snakes.  The 
views  of  the  Reverend  Jens  Rynning,  father  of  Ole  Rynning,  on  this 
point  are  brought  out  in  the  tabular  comparison  of  Norway  and  America 
quoted  ante,  p.  19.  For  a  typical  statement  setting  forth  the  perils  to  be 
encountered  in  the  new  world,  among  which  venomous  snakes  are 
especially  mentioned,  see  the  narrative  of  Gullik  K.  Laugen,  an  emigrant 
from  Numedal  in  1839,  as  given  by  Nilsson  in  Billed-Magamn,  1 :  171. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  91 

bitten  by  rattlesnakes,  and  in  both  cases  the  patients  were  cured 
by  simple  household  remedies.  Everywhere  that  the  rattle- 
snake is  to  be  found,  a  kind  of  grass  grows  which  is  usually 
regarded  as  the  best  antidote  for  its  bite.  One  of  the  Nor- 
wegians who  came  here  earliest  has  told  me  that  he  was  once 
bitten  by  a  rattlesnake,  and  that  he  found  the  application  of 
dry  camphor  to  be  the  most  efficacious  remedy  for  relieving 
the  swelling. 

The  Indians  have  now  been  transported  away  from  this 
part  of  the  country  far  to  the  west.  Nowhere  in  Illinois  is 
there  any  longer  danger  from  assault  by  them.  Besides,  these 
people  are  very  good-natured,  and  never  begin  hostilities  when 
they  are  not  affronted.  They  never  harm  the  Quakers,  whom 
they  call  Father  Penns  children.66 

11.  For  what  kind  of  people  is  it  advisable  to  emigrate  to 

America,  and  for  whom  is  it  not  advisable?  —  Caution 

against  unreasonable  expectations. 

From  all  that  I  have  experienced  so  far,  the  industrious 
Norwegian  peasant  or  mechanic,  as  well  as  the  good  trades- 
man, can  soon  earn  enough  in  America  to  provide  sufficient 
means  for  a  livelihood.  I  have  already  spoken  of  the  price  of 
government  land,  and  I  shall  merely  add  that  I  know  several 
bachelors  who  have  saved  two  hundred  dollars  clear  within  a 
year's  time  by  ordinary  labor.  Blacksmiths  are  everywhere  in 
demand.  A  smith  who  understands  his  trade  can  feel  assured 
that  his  neighbors,  in  whatever  place  he  settles,  will  help  him 
build  his  house  and  smithy,  and  will  even  lend  him  enough 
money  to  furnish  himself  with  bellows  and  tools.  Two  dollars 
or  more  is  charged  here  for  shoeing  a  horse;  a  dollar  for  an 
iron  wedge ;  a  dollar  for  a  hay  fork ;  and  so  forth.  Competent 
tailors  can  also  command  a  steady  and  good  income,  and  like- 

66  Laugen,  in  his  list  of  the  perils  of  the  new  world,  includes  also  the 
"yet  more  dangerous  Indians."  Nilsson  in  Billed-Magazin,  1:171.  Run- 
ning's reference  to  Quakers  is  possibly  added  for  the  purpose  of  reassuring 
the  Norwegian  adherents  of  this  sect. 


92  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

wise  the  shoemaker;  but  the  latter  will  have  to  learn  his  trade 
anew,  for  here  the  soles  of  the  shoes  are  pegged  instead  of 
being  sewed.  Turners,  carpenters,  and  wagon-makers  can  also 
make  a  good  living  from  their  trades.  An  itinerant  trader 
who  is  quick  and  of  good  habits  can  become  a  rich  man  within 
a  short  time,  but  he  must  not  be  afraid  to  undergo  hardships 
and  to  camp  outdoors  night  after  night.  Servant  girls  can 
easily  secure  work,  and  find  very  good  places.  Women  are 
respected  and  honored  far  more  than  is  the  case  among  com- 
mon people  in  Norway.  So  far  as  I  know,  only  two  or  three 
Norwegian  girls  have  been  married  to  Americans,  and  I  do 
not  believe  that  they  have  made  particularly  good  matches. 
But  there  are  many  Norwegian  bachelors  who  would  prefer  to 
marry  Norwegian  girls  if  they  could. 

Those  desiring  to  emigrate  to  America  should  also  carefully 
consider  whether  they  have  sufficient  means  to  pay  their 
expenses.  I  would  not  advise  any  one  to  go  who,  when  he 
lands  upon  American  soil,  does  not  have  at  least  several  dollars 
in  his  possession.  I  believe  that  young  people  who  have 
enough  to  pay  their  passage  from  New  York  to  Rochester  are 
in  a  position  to  emigrate.  That  will  require  about  four  or  five 
dollars.  Those  who  have  large  families  should  have  enough 
left  to  pay  their  way  as  far  as  Illinois,  where  land  is  cheap 
and  where  plenty  of  work  can  be  secured  at  high  wages. 
Expenses  for  each  adult  from  Norway  to  Illinois  must  be 
figured  at  about  sixty  dollars,  in  addition  to  expenses  for  board 
across  the  sea.  If  one  goes  on  Norwegian  ships  the  cost  of  the 
passage  is  just  as  much  for  children  as  for  adults.  It  can  be 
estimated,  therefore,  that  forty-five  dollars  in  all  will  be  spent 
for  children  between  two  and  twelve  years  old,  and  thirty  dol- 
lars for  children  under  two  years.67  Those  who  do  not  have 
enough  to  pay  their  way  can  hire  out  to  some  one  who  is  in 
better  circumstances,  and  pledge  themselves  to  work  for  him, 

67  See  Rynning's  chapter  13,  post.  According  to  Flom  "  the  price  of 
passage  ranged  between  33  and  50  spcciedaler,  that  is  between  $25.00  and 
$38.00."  Norwegian  Immigration,  223-225.  See  also  Langeland,  Nord- 
mændene  i  Amerika,  25 ;  Nilsson  in  Billed-Magasin,  1 :  7,  94,  388. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  93 

for  example,  three  years  for  fifty  dollars  a  year.  This  will  be  to 
the  mutual  advantage  of  both  parties.  He  who  thus  proposes 
to  pay  the  traveling-  expenses  of  others  must  see  to  it  that  he 
does  not  pay  out  so  much  as  to  be  embarrassed  himself,  and 
that  he  does  not  take  with  him  bad  or  incapable  people.  An 
employee  who  has  come  to  America  through  such  an  arrange- 
ment ought  to  compare  his  pay  and  prospects  here  with  what  he 
had  in  Norway,  and  thereby  be  induced  to  fulfill  the  engage- 
ment upon  which  he  has  entered,  for  he  is  held  by  no  other 
bond  than  that  of  his  own  integrity. 

People  whom  I  do  not  advise  to  go  to  America  are  ( 1 ) 
drunkards,  who  will  be  detested,  and  will  soon  perish  miser- 
ably;68 (2)  those  who  neither  can  work  nor  have  sufficient 
money  to  carry  on  a  business,  for  which  purpose,  however, 
an  individual  does  not  need  more  than  four  to  five  hundred 
dollars.  Of  the  professional  classes  doctors  and  druggists  are 
most  likely  to  find  employment ;  but  I  do  not  advise  even  such 
persons  to  go  unless  they  understand  at  least  how  to  use  oxen, 
or  have  learned  a  trade,  for  example,  that  of  a  tailor. 

Many  go  to  America  with  such  unreasonable  expectations 
and  ideas  that  they  necessarily  must  find  themselves  disap- 
pointed. The  first  stumbling  block,  ignorance  of  the  language, 
is  enough  to  dishearten  many  at  once.  The  person  who  neither 
can  nor  will  zvork  must  never  expect  that  riches  and  luxurious 
living  zvill  be  open  to  him.  No,  in  America  one  gets  nothing 
without  work;  but  it  is  true  that  by  work  one  can  expect  some 
day  to  achieve  better  circumstances.  Many  of  the  newcomers 
have  been  shocked  by  the  wretched  huts  which  are  the  first 
dwellings  of  the  settlers ;  but  those  good  people  should  consider 
that  when  they  move  into  an  uncultivated  land  they  can  not 
find  houses  ready  for  them.  Before  the  land  has  been  put  into 
such  shape  that  it  can  support  a  man,  it  is  hardly  wise  to  put 
money  into  costly  dwelling-houses. 

68  Nattestad  also  in  his  journal  tells  of  warnings  against  the  evils  of 
intemperance  which  are  everywhere  preached  in  America,  and  of  the  low 
esteem  in  which  men  who  drink  to  excess  are  held.    Beskrivelse,  28. 


94  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

12.  What  particular  dangers  is  one  likely  to  encounter  on  the 

ocean?   Is  it  true  that  those  who  are  taken  to 

America  are  sold  as  slaves? 

Many  regard  the  trip  across  the  ocean  as  so  terribly  danger- 
ous that  this  one  apprehension  alone  is  enough  to  confine  them 
forever  to  their  native  country.  Of  course,  solid  ground  is 
safer  than  the  sea;  but  people  commonly  imagine  the  dangers 
to  be  greater  than  they  really  are.  So  far  as  I  know,  no  ship 
with  Norwegian  emigrants  for  America  has  yet  been  wrecked. 
Even  with  a  good  ship,  an  able  captain,  and  capable,  orderly, 
and  careful  seamen,  the  passenger  has  to  trust  in  the  Lord. 
He  can  guide  you  securely  across  the  stormy  sea,  and  He  can 
find  you  in  your  safe  home,  whenever  His  hour  has  come ! 

Two  things  about  the  sea  voyage  are  very  disagreeable; 
namely,  seasickness  and  tediousncss.  I  do  not  think  there  is 
any  unfailing  remedy  for  seasickness,  but  it  is  not  a  fatal 
illness.  Small  children  suffer  the  least  from  it;  women,  espe- 
cially middle-aged  wives,  often  suffer  considerably  from  it. 
The  only  alleviating  remedy  I  know  of  is  a  good  supply  of 
different  kinds  of  food  for  varying  the  diet.  I  have  noted 
particularly  that  barley  gruel  flavored  with  wine  is  frequently 
strengthening  and  helpful  in  this  sickness.  It  is  well  to  prepare 
against  tediousness  by  taking  along  good  books,  and  something 
with  which  to  occupy  oneself.  For  this  purpose  I  advise  taking 
along  harpoons  and  other  fishing  tackle  as  well. 

A  silly  rumor  was  believed  by  many  in  Norway;  namely, 
that  those  who  wished  to  emigrate  to  America  were  taken  to 
Turkey  and  sold  as  slaves.  This  rumor  is  absolutely  ground- 
less.69   It  is  true,  however,  that  many  who  have  not  been  able 

69  By  the  irony  of  circumstance  Rynning's  own  father  was  one  of 
those  who  gave  currency  to  the  rumor  that  free  white  men  might  be 
made  slaves  in  America.  In  a  Norwegian  newspaper  he  wrote,  "  One 
must  remember  that "  in  the  southern  states  "  there  are  not  only  black 
but  also  white  slaves,  and  that  anyone  whom  a  native  seeks  as  a  slave 
must  prove  that  he  is  not  one,  or  else  be  held  in  slavery  for  the  rest  of 
his  life."  Morgenbladet,  1839,  no.  283.  That  such  rumors  were  current 
is  also  confirmed  in  accounts  by  other  immigrants,  given  by  Nilsson  in 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  95 

themselves  to  pay  for  their  passage,  have  come  only  in  this 
way :  they  have  sold  themselves  or  their  service  for  a  certain 
number  of  years  to  some  man  here  in  this  country.  Many  are 
said  thereby  to  have  fallen  into  bad  hands,  and  to  have  been 
treated  no  better  than  slaves.  No  Norwegian,  so  far  as  I 
know,  has  fallen  into  such  circumstances,*  nor  is  that  to  be 
feared  if  one  crosses  by  Norwegian  ships,  and  with  his  own 
countrymen.70 

*  All  Norwegians  who  have  been  in  America  for  a  considerable  length 
of  time  and  who  have  been  respectable  and  industrious,  have  fared  well: 
Many  have  come  over  by  an  arrangement  whereby  other  Norwegians  have 
paid  for  them,  but  have  nevertheless  been  fully  as  much  their  own 
masters.    After  a  short  time  they  have  usually  worked  out  their  debt. 


Billed-Magazin,  1  :  83,  226,  388.  Following  the  receipt  of  letters  from 
those  who  had  emigrated  to  America  and  the  distribution  throughout 
Norway  of  the  printed  narratives  of  Rynning,  Nattestad,  and  Reiersen, 
the  fears  aroused  in  the  simple-minded  bonder  by  these  ridiculous  reports 
were  gradually  dissipated.  By  no  means  all  the  Norwegian  immigrants, 
however,  were  worried  by  these  stories  of  slavery.  Gitle  Danielson,  for 
example,  who  came  over  in  1839,  on  hearing  that  there  was  danger  of 
being  taken  to  the  South  into  slavery,  is  reported  to  have  said :  "  Nor- 
wegians or  Scandinavians  in  general  are  not  the  kind  of  people  of  which 
to  make  slaves.  I  have  never  heard  of  any  Scandinavians  ever  being 
slaves  to  a  foreign  race.  .  .  .  That  we,  the  sons  of  the  brave  and  hardy 
Northmen,  can  be  enslaved  alive  by  an  open  and  visible  enemy,  is  incredi- 
ble !  The  slave  owners  do  not  want  us  to  go  down  south,  for  they  know 
we  would  talk  of  freedom  and  justice  to  the  slaves  and  in  time  produce 
a  change  of  opinion.''"  Quoted  by  John  E.  Molee  in  Anderson,  First 
Chapter  of  Norzvegian  Immigration,  311.  Those  Norwegians  who  did  go 
south  before  the  Civil  War  appear  to  have  accepted  the  institution  of 
slavery  as  they  found  it  without  much  question,  however.  Cleng  Peerson 
in  1850  urged  the  Norwegian  immigrants  to  establish  settlements  in  Texas 
and  passed  by  the  question  of  slavery  without  a  mention.  Democraten, 
September  7,  1850;  cf.  Blegen,  "Cleng  Peerson  and  Norwegian  Immigra- 
tion," in  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Review,  7:324.  If  many  of  those 
who  went  to  the  South  adapted  themselves  to  the  situation  that  they 
found  in  the  slave  states,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
deep-rooted  hostility  to  slavery  was  one  of  the  chief  reasons  why  the 
majority  of  the  immigrants  avoided  the  South. 

70  For  an  early  example  of  a  wealthy  Norwegian  paying  the  passage 
of  many  of  his  poorer  countrymen,  see  Nilsson  in  Billed-Magazin,  1  :  388. 


96  RYNNING'S  ACCOUXT  OF  AMERICA 

13.  Guiding  advice  for  those  who  wish  to  go  to  America. 

When  persons  wish  to  emigrate  to  America  singly,  they  can 
not  expect  to  chance  upon  opportunity  for  sailing  direct  from 
Norway,  inasmuch  as  this  country  has  no  commerce  with  the 
United  States.  They  must  go,  therefore,  either  to  Gothen- 
burg *  Sweden,  Bremen,  Germany,  or  Havre,  France.  From 
all  these  places  there  is  frequent  opportunity  to  secure  pas- 
sage to  the  United  States,  and  the  fare  is  usually  less  than 
from  Xorway.  But  when  several  wish  to  emigrate  at  the 
same  time,  I  should  rather  advise  them  to  go  on  Norwegian 
ships  and  with  Norwegian  seamen,  because  they  will  feel  safer. 
For  the  same  reason  it  is  also  best  to  go  with  a  captain  who 
has  previously  been  in  America ;  for  example,  Captain  Bekrens 
of  Bergen,  whom  I  can  recommend  as  an  able  man,  or  one  of 
the  captains  who  have  conveyed  passengers  from  Stavanger  to 
New  York. 

When  several  wish  to  emigrate  together,  they  must  apply 
to  a  broker  in  the  nearest  seaport,  who  will  help  them  to  bar- 
gain for  the  cheapest  fare.  They  must  investigate  carefully 
whether  the  ship  is  a  good  sailing  vessel  and  in  good  condi- 
tion. With  reference  to  the  bargain  it  may  be  remarked  that 
the  fare  on  Norwegian  ships  has  hitherto  been  thirty  dollars, 
for  children  as  well  as  adults.  From  the  ports  of  other  coun- 
tries the  fare  for  adults  is  generally  less,  sometimes  only  twenty 
dollars;  and  for  children  under  twelve  years  either  half  of 
that  or  nothing. 

The  charter,  or  the  written  contract,  ought  to  be  as  precise 
and  detailed  as  possible.  It  ought  to  be  written  both  in  Eng- 
lish and  Norwegian.  I  shall  name  some  particular  provisions 
that  ought  not  to  be  omitted:  (a)  The  captain  (or  the  own- 
ers) are  to  supply  zi'ood  and  z^ater  for  twelve  weeks.  The  wa- 
ter is  to  be  provided  in  good  casks,  so  that  it  will  not  spoil, 

*  Some  bachelors  from  Xummedal  went  last  summer  from  Gothenburg 
to  Newport,  Rhode  Island.  They  spent  only  thirty-two  days  in  crossing 
the  ocean,  and  praise  their  Captain  Ronncberg  highly. 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  97 

and  three  quarts  are  to  be  measured  out  to  each  passenger 
daily.  If  the  water  in  some  casks  is  spoiled,  the  good  water 
is  to  be  used  up  before  beginning  with  the  bad,  and  the  cap- 
tain shall  take  water  for  his  own  use  from  the  same  barrel 
as  the  passengers,  (b)  The  passengers,  indeed,  must  supply 
themselves  with  provisions,  but  the  captain  shall  see  to  it 
that  every  one  takes  with  him  sufficient  provisions  for  twelve 
weeks.  The  passengers  must  also  furnish  their  own  light, 
(c)  For  the  sum  agreed  upon  the  captain  shall  land  the  pass- 
engers at  the  destination  determined  upon  without  any  addi- 
tional expense  to  them,*  either  under  the  name  of  landing 
money,  quarantine  money,  corporation  money,  gratuities,  or 
the  like,  (d)  The  fare  is  to  be  paid  in  advance  and  a  receipt 
given  which  is  written  both  in  English  and  Norwegian.  If 
the  captain  on  his  own  risk  takes  along  any  one  who  has 
not  paid  in  full  the  sum  agreed  upon,  then  he  has  no  further 
right  to  demand  more  as  soon  as  he  has  taken  the  passenger 
and  his  baggage  aboard.  (The  last  provision  is  a  safeguard 
against  having  the  captain  take  aboard  any  one  who,  on  ac- 
count of  his  poverty,  will  either  become  a  burden  to  the  rest 
or  else  be  given  up  to  the  arbitrariness  of  the  captain.) 

I  should  advise  every  one  who  goes  to  America  to  exchange 
his  money  for  silver  and  gold,  and  not  take  a  draft.  Spanish 
piasters  are  worth  as  much  as  American  dollars,  but  five 
French  francs  are  six  cents  less.  In  an  American  dollar  there 
are  one  hundred  cents,  and  each  cent  is  equivalent  to  a  Nor- 
wegian skilling.  There  are  twelve  pence  or  twelve  and  one- 
half  cents  in  a  shilling.  In  America  there  are  silver  coins 
which  are  worth  one  half,  one  fourth,  one  eighth,  one  tenth, 
one  sixteenth,  and  one  twentieth  of  a  dollar.  The  smallest 
coin  current  in  Illinois  equals  six  and  one-fourth  cents.  All 
kinds  of  silver  or  gold  coins  are  accepted  in  America;  Nor- 

*  This  provision  is  very  necessary ;  for  otherwise  an  unscrupulous  cap- 
tain, under  one  pretext  or  another,  might  demand  an  additional  sum  from 
his  passengers  and,  by  virtue  of  his  authority  and  because  of  their  ignor- 
ance and  unfamiliarity  with  the  language,  might  force  them  to  pay  it. 


98  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

wegian  silver  coins,  indeed,  that  are  less  than  half  a  dollar, 
are  disposed  of  with  considerable  profit. 

The  best  time  to  leave  Norway  is  so  early  in  the  spring  as 
to  be  able  to  reach  the  place  of  settlement  by  midsummer  or 
shortly  after  that  time.  In  that  way  something  can  be  raised 
even  the  first  year ;  namely,  buckwheat,  which  is  planted  in 
the  last  days  of  June ;  turnips,  which  are  planted  in  the  latter 
part  of  July;  and  potatoes.  It  is  very  unfortunate  to  go  too 
late  in  the  year  to  gather  fodder  for  one  or  two  cows  and 
build  a  house  for  the  winter. 

I  believe  that  the  best  route  is  to  go  by  way  of  Xew  York, 
just  as  most  of  the  other  immigrants  do.  It  is  doubtless 
cheaper  and  quicker  to  go  by  way  of  Xew  Orleans ;  but  it  is  too 
warm  and  unhealthful  there  in  the  summer,  and  it  is  not  ad- 
visable to  immigrate  at  any  other  time  of  the  year  to  unbroken 
land  without  houses.  I  must  also  remark  that  New  Orleans  is 
noted  for  having  the  worst  people  in  the  United  States.71 

71  The  extra  paragraphs  in  the  1839  edition  of  Rynning's  book  as  given 
by  Anderson  (see  ante,  n.  38)  are  herewith  presented  in  translation: 

Hitherto  the  Norwegian  immigrants  have  always  sought  passage  to 
Xew  York.  From  there  to  Chicago  the  least  expensive  way  is  to  go  by 
steamer  up  the  Hudson  River  to  Albany;  from  Albany  to  Buffalo  by 
canal  boat,  which  is  drawn  by  horses;  from  Buffalo  by  steamer  over 
Lakes  Erie,  St.  Clair,  Huron,  and  Michigan,  to  Chicago.  From  here  the 
route  goes  by  land,  either  south  to  Beaver  Creek,  or  west  to  Fox  River. 
From  Xew  York  to  Buffalo  one  can  get  transportation  for  from  three 
to  four  dollars  with  baggage,  and  from  Buffalo  to  Chicago  for  from  nine 
to  twelve  dollars.  From  Chicago  to  Beaver  Creek  drivers  from  Wabash 
usually  ask  one  dollar  for  every  hundred  pounds.  Every  contract  with  the 
steamboat  companies  or  drivers  should  be  written,  and  with  the  greatest 
particularity,  if  one  does  not  wish  to  be  cheated.  To  be  on  the  safe  side 
one  should  figure  that  it  will  take  about  thirty  dollars  for  every  adult 
from  New  York  to  Beaver  Creek  or  Fox  River.  For  children  between 
two  and  twelve  years  of  age  half  of  that  is  always  paid,  and  nothing  for 
children  under  two  years  or  who  are  still  carried  in  arms.  The  route 
mentioned  from  Xew  York  to  Beaver  Creek  I  compute  to  be  about  two 
hundred  and  fifty  Xorwegian  miles. 

One  of  our  party  who  arrived  last  fall  did  not  take  the  steamboat  from 
Buffalo  any  farther  than  to  Toledo  on  Lake  Erie.  Here  he  bought  a 
horse  and  wagon,  and  conveyed  his  luggage  to  Beaver  Creek  himself.  In 
this  way  he  and  his  family  traveled  to  their  destination  somewhat  cheaply, 
but  they  were  also  a  good  deal  longer  on  the  way  than  those  who  took 
the  steamboat. 

For  those  who  wish  to  go  to  Missouri.*  unquestionably  the  quickest 
and  cheapest  route  is  by  way  of  XTew  Orleans.     But  it  must  be  noted  in 


ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  99 

Those  who  wish  to  emigrate  to  America  ought  to  take  with 
them  (a)  bedclothes,  and  clothing  of  fur  and  of  wadmol,72  as 
well  as  stamped  wadmol;  (b)  a  baxtehelle/3  a  spinning  wheel, 
and,  if  possible,  a  hand  mill,  silverware,  and  some  tobacco 
pipes  to  sell,  (c)  A  mechanic  ought  to  take  his  tools  with 
him.  (d)  Some  good  rifles  with  percussion  locks,  partly  for 
personal  use,  partly  for  sale.  I  have  already  said  that  in 
America  a  good  rifle  costs  from  fifteen  to  twenty  dollars. 

The  proznsions  for  the  sea  voyage  should  include  a  supply 
of  every  kind  of  food  which  can  be  kept  a  long  time  without 
being  spoiled.  One  ought  to  take  with  him  pork,  dried  meat, 
salted  meat,  dried  herring,  smoked  herring,  dried  fish,  butter, 
cheese,  primost,74  milk,  beer,  flour,  peas,  cereals,  potatoes, 
rye  rusks,  coffee,  tea,  sugar,  pots,  pans,  and  kettles.  It  is  best 
to  take  along  into  the  interior  whatever  is  not  used  on  the 
ocean  voyage,  since  no  charge  is  made  for  carrying  provisions 
on  steam  and  canal  boats. 

this  connection  (1)  that  one  can  seldom  go  to  New  Orleans  except  in 
ships  which  are  sheathed  with  copper,  and  (2)  that  New  Orleans  is  very 
unhealthful  and  insalubrious,  except  from  the  beginning-  of  December 
until  April.  But  this  is  the  worst  time  of  the  year  to  be  without  houses  — 
which  is  the  usual  fate  of  settlers. 

*  According  to  the  assurance  of  Kleng  Peerson,  who  knows  the  country 
best,  and  who  from  the  beginning  has  been  the  guide  of  the  Norwegians, 
Missouri  is  the  state  where  it  is  now  most  advisable  for  immigrants  to  go. 
They  must  then  go  first  to  St.  Louis  on  the  Mississippi,  from  there  to 
Marion  City,  and  from  there  to  "  the  Norwegian  settlement  on  North 
River,  Shelby  County." 

No  contemporary  evidence  has  come  to  light  on  the  reasons  for  the 
change  from  the  text  of  Rynning's  1838  edition.  Though  it  might  be 
conjectured  that  the  paragraphs  given  above  were  added  by  someone 
in  Norway  after  the  first  edition  had  appeared,  internal  evidence  seems  to 
show  that  they  were  written  before  Ansten  Nattestad  went  to  Norway  with 
the  Rynning  manuscript.  The  phrase  "  One  of  our  party  who  arrived  last 
fall  "  certainly  refers  to  the  immigrant  party  of  1837.  The  passage  there- 
fore must  have  been  written  not  later  than  the  fall  of  1838.  This  fact, 
coupled  with  the  style  of  the  passage,  leads  the  present  writer  to  think  that 
it  was  written  by  Rynning.  Why  it  did  not  appear  in  the  first  edition  is 
not  known. 

72  A  coarse  hairy  woolen  cloth  similar  to  f  reize. 

73  A  round  iron  plate  used  by  Norwegians  in  baking  fladbrod  (flat- 
bread). 

74  A  cheese  made  from  skim  milk. 


ioo  RYNNING'S  ACCOUNT  OF  AMERICA 

For  medicinal  purposes  one  should  bring  (a)  a  little  brandy, 
vinegar,  and  a  couple  of  bottles  of  wine,  as  well  as  raisins  and 
prunes  to  make  soup  for  the  seasick;  (b)  a  cathartic  for 
constipation,  which  often  occurs  on  the  ocean.  This  medicine 
should  not  be  used  unless  badly  needed,  however,  (c)  Sul- 
phur powder  and  ointment  for  the  itch.  Directions  must  be 
secured  from  the  druggist  or  from  a  physician  as  to  how  to 
use  this  medicine.  (d)  Hoffman's  drops  and  spirits  of 
camphor. 

For  purposes  of  cleanliness  it  is  necessary  to  take  (a)  linen 
for  change,  (b)  salt-water  soap  for  washing,  and  (c)  good 
fine  combs. 

Again  I  must  advise  every  one  to  provide  something  with 
which  to  employ  himself  on  the  voyage,  as  fishing  tackle, 
thread  for  knitting  fish-nets,  and  other  similar  articles. 

It  is  a  good  thing  if  the  immigrants  can  have  a  dependable 
guide  and  interpreter  on  the  trip  from  New  York  to  the  in- 
terior. For  those  who  wish  to  leave  next  spring,*  there  is  a 
good  opportunity  to  go  with  A  listen  Knudsen  Nattestad  from 
Rolloug  parish  in  Nummedal,  who  is  now  on  a  trip  back  to 
Norway. 

*  Namely  in  the  spring  of  1839. 


